America Became a Full Fledged Empire
That America won the Spanish-American War in 1898 is recognized by all. But even some encyclopedias do not inform the reader that “Spain ceded Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines” to the United States for $20 million.
Similarly, but not totally, ignored, is that the Philippine patriots’ struggle for freedom from America was violently suppressed from 1899 through 1903 in a manner very similar in tactics and level of violence as in the Vietnam War and now the Iraq war.
In that earlier break for freedom, an estimated 600,000 Filipinos died from combat and starvation. The numbers in Iraq killed directly and indirectly is over 1.2 million and still climbing.
Control through a puppet government was substituted for outright colonial control as authorized by the ceding of these lands by Spain.
As the rest of the colonial world was breaking free after WW II, the Filipinos again fought for their freedom. Tens of thousands of Filipinos were killed, primarily by private death squads, orchestrated by the CIA’s General Edward G. Landsdale, as the elite fought to retain control of the government and the land. That suppression of true independence through covert American support is still ongoing.
History, as General Smedley Butler knew while he was helping create it, does not get into high school, or even university, history books:
I spent thirty-three years and four months in active service as a member of our country’s most agile military force—the US Marine Corps…. And during that period I spent most of my time being a high-class muscle man for big business, for Wall Street and for the bankers. In short, I was a racketeer for capitalism.
Thus I helped make Mexico and especially Tampico safe for American oil interests in 1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in. I helped purify Nicaragua for the international banking house of Brown Brothers in 1909-12. I brought light to the Dominican Republic for American sugar interests in 1916. I helped make Honduras ‘right’ for American fruit companies in 1913. In China in 1927 I helped see to it that Standard Oil went its way unmolested.
The recorders of history have not had the honesty of General Smedley Butler. Every great storehouse of wealth provided by nature has a history of political and military intrigues, usually both, to determine who ends up with both the actual wealth and the financial wealth such natural wealth produces.
The immensely rich veins of gold and copper ore in West Papua led to decades of genocide and environmental destruction, all for the benefit of a cartel of wealthy corporations, has essentially been left out of history books.
The slaughter of one-third of East Timorese citizens in a failed attempt to control what are thought to be vast oil deposits escaped notice until it had failed.
That same process is going on in Darfur in the Sudan, is addressed as a genocidal disaster, but almost no media mentions who the hidden players are or that the underlying struggle is to control anticipated oil reserves. And so it goes across the world, struggles for resources and wealth, just as it has for centuries.
Most of the destabilizations we address here were openly over who would control resources and wealth. Others were for no more purpose than that no nation dare be permitted their freedom because others would see the rapid increase in their living standards and all would immediately demand their full and complete economic freedom
As we outline examples of a few of the major destabilizations of post-WW II democratic governments that were breaking out from under the control of the imperial centers, remember these destabilizations were done by good people just like you and I who believed fully in what they were doing.
Quality people throughout the world were firmly locked within a belief system by a political, academic, and media system from which many conscientious scholars had been either purged or silenced. Those carrying out the orders of managers of state had never heard anything other than that they were battling the world’s worst elements who were attempting to take away our democratic freedoms.
The following list of nations breaking free to better provide for their citizenry is a very short list of a long history of suppressions of breaks for freedom.
Iran Breaks Free
When Iranians gained their freedom after WW II under the leadership of Dr. Mohammad Mossadeq, they were America’s friends and wished to emulate both its democratic government and its economic success.
Operation Ajax, with Kermit Roosevelt, future Vice President of Gulf Oil, in charge of reinstalling the Shah and training SAVAK, the Iranian Secret Service, was the CIA’s covert operation to stem that burst of democracy.
Under the reinstalled Shah, Gulf Oil, Standard Oil of New Jersey, Texaco, and Socony-Mobil gained a 40% share of Iranian oil rights. Britain, the original planner of this regime change, claimed the remaining rights. Thousands of Iranians were tortured by SAVAK and a few thousand were killed.
The Iranians were as angry as any American would be if a powerful nation overthrew their government and put Britain back in power. But government press releases (most news can be traced to press releases of governments or corporate-funded think tanks) and planted articles, traceable to the CIA’s Mighty Wurlitzer, building the image of a dangerous enemy denied all knowledge of this suppression of democracy to the masses in Western nations.
That enemy is, of course, then not hard to prove. The overthrow of its government to control its oil and its destiny made Iran that enemy.
On November 4, 1979, activist Muslims overthrew America’s puppet dictator, overran the American Embassy, and held 52 Americans hostage for 444 days. This was the greatest peacetime tweak of America’s nose in its history.
In 2007-08, America is again creating Iran as an enemy to justify an military assaults on them by either themselves or Israel, or both.
The imperial nations were actively fomenting intrigues, overthrowing budding democracies with immense loss of life, and installing and supporting puppet dictators and “imperial democracies” all over the world to control resources and markets. To think America would peacefully take that nose tweaking, along with the loss of control of Iranian oil, would be an exercise in extreme denial.
To our knowledge the true history has not been uncovered yet, and may never be, but by accident we do have a hint. The Iran-Iraq War started four months before those hostages were released.
Through the CIA’s Mighty Wurlitzer, the American people were being told the Soviet Union was backing Iraq. The truth came out when the Iraqis gassed their own Kurdish population.
A U.S. senator angrily fumed on national news, “We have $800 million of arms in the pipeline to Iraq and we should cancel it all.”
Iraq was surely coached into that invasion with the promise of backing for their claim of title to the oil fields right across its borders. With the strongest nation in the world behind it and Iran in turmoil, Iraq would have felt assured of success.
The threats to attack Iran, 2007-08, are more central to the West’s Grand Strategy than it was when they overthrew the Shah. Middle East and Central Asian oil is key to controlling the policies of other nations.
Before the early 20th century subdivision of the Middle East, Kuwait was a province of Iraq. Badly bruised from the Iran-Iraq war, upset about Kuwait’s horizontal, cross-border, drilling stealing oil from Iraq, and feeling America was now their friend after their immense support, Iraq moved to bring her lost province back into the fold.
This led to the 1991 Gulf War which cost Iraq 200,000 killed, destruction of her industry and infrastructure, a 12 year embargo in which another million Iraqis died for lack of food and medicine, and the destruction of a 2nd Gulf War in 2003 which is still on-going (2008) with over 1.2 million civilians succumbing to the violence and over four million are refugees, half within Iraq and half in neighboring countries.
Oil rising above $130 a barrel threatens world economies while $30 oil will give the world economy a boost. But there are deeper reasons for that war. According to Neil Mackay of The Sunday Herald in Scotland, a meeting of President GW Bush’s advisors was held within days after his election in 2000 in which the decision to depose Saddam Hussein was made.
U.S. Intelligence would have known Iraq, Venezuela, and Iran were considering switching to euros as their reserve currency which could crash the American economy. Once Iraq’s, Iran’s, and Central Asia’s oil was under U.S. control, no nation, large or small, could challenge America. They simply would get no oil.
Those imperial dreams were shattered by the fierce resistance of the Iraqis, by the immediate realignment of China, India, and Russia with Central Asian oil-producing nations when all saw through the cover stories.
This is the struggle of the future and, as this struggle will not be discussed on the news, can only be kept track of by keyword searches. Oil, SCO, Eurasia, China, Russia, India, alliances, etc, and keep refining that search with keywords within those webpages.
NATO bases moving east will be part of that struggle and as we speak missiles are being installed in Eastern Europe, a ten minute flight from Russia.
.Naomi Klein’s beautifully told story in The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism, 2007, on the plan to privatize the economies of several countries at a time ties in with our explanation that imperial unequal property rights laws are aristocratic laws hiding under beautiful names (capitalism, freedom, etc).
Every aspect of those economies was to be privatized, including Social Security. Chile was the first attempt, Iraq was another, there were plans for many more, but the Iraqi’s stopped them cold.
It is hard to believe we had professors teaching that nonsense and politicians putting it into effect. Such a system would stand out in bold review as aristocratic property rights which out of which the imperial cultures never successfully evolved.
Economic Freedom for Indonesia was a Big Threat
Indonesia was gaining its economic freedom and taking control of its destiny. Besides having massive resources coveted by the imperial nations, Indonesia was establishing an honest democracy.
Twenty-five percent of the nation’s citizens were following the Communist Party so they were to be entitled to 25% representation in the government. This could not be permitted. On the second try, the CIA overthrew Sukarno and installed Suharto.
The managers of the American state were still not secure enough: their newly installed puppet was not actively suppressing that 25% of the voters who were such a threat. If they were left intact, Indonesians may have successfully taken control of their destiny. How Indonesians were coached into slaughtering their own innocent civilians provides a textbook example of how strategies of tensions work.
Arms were beached on the islands, papers were counterfeited to make it appear a revolution was imminent, and a list of over 4,000 political leaders and activists targeted for assassination was passed to the Indonesian military.
The tension of Indonesian leaders rose rapidly and, by the lowest estimate, 500,000 Indonesians were slaughtered, by the highest, 1,000,000, and by the CIA’s own estimate 800,000. As they tried to change their image due to the riots in the year 2000 against the holdovers of Suharto’s regime, Indonesia’s Special Forces Command, Kopassus, the military forces responsible, did not even deny these atrocities.
These innocents were not slaughtered because they were going to overthrow anybody, as the citizens of the Western world were told. They were overthrown because with their enormous resources a truly democratic Indonesian government had a high potential for both political and economic success and that success would catch the attention of other nations who would then insist on their freedom.
That suppression of freedom was handled with such fine control of the news it was almost unknown to the citizens in the Western world, and what little was in the news seldom mentioned the immense slaughter and America’s connection was totally ignored.
Nigeria Did Not Break Free
In Nigeria, from 1966 to 1971, it was oil again. Possibly two million Biafrans, mostly children, starved as, during that nation’s destabilization, relief was prevented from reaching the starving Ibo people.
Dan Jacobs, a United Nations relief worker trying to help avert that tragedy, later researched its causes and was aghast to discover British managers of state, with the passive support of American managers of state, were behind that disaster:
“I went to a National Security Council staff man and said: ‘The British did this.’ ‘Oh, of course,’ he responded. ‘The British orchestrated the whole thing.’”
Newsreels were constantly showing footage of starving Nigerians but not a hint did one see that, to prevent a nation with huge natural resources and oil from gaining control of its own destiny, this civil war was externally orchestrated by Britain with the passive diplomatic support of the United States.
Vietnam Gained Political, but not Economic, Freedom
During WW II, while working directly with American agents to rescue downed U.S. pilots, Ho Chi Minh sent six letters to the U.S. government asking for support and stating the Vietnamese wished to pattern their constitution after America’s.
Only after America refused to recognize and support their freedom, and instead supported the French suppression of their freedom, were the Vietnamese forced to turn to China and the Soviet Union.
It is said America lost in Vietnam. But three million people were slaughtered, four million if one included the previous 15 years of French suppression, millions of acres of forest poisoned with herbicides were destroyed and, after winning its freedom, Vietnam was further decimated by embargoes.
We want to remember the revolution only gained America its political independence and it required the war of 1812 to gain its economic independence. Vietnam gained only its political independence, not its economic independence.
Vietnamese resources are now available to imperial centers of capital. This makes that war a success. After all, control of resources to feed the industries of imperial centers is what these wars are all about.
With the struggle against France essentially won, a treaty was signed in Paris in 1954 for the future of that nation to be decided by free elections. The South Vietnamese puppet government and their new backers, America, knew well that over 80% of the votes would be for rejoining with North Vietnam.
So the treaty was ignored and that tiny country and its theoretically neutral neighbors, Laos and Cambodia, were pummeled with more firepower than was expended in WW II, 15.5 million tons.
The 6.3 million tons of bombs dropped were 50% more than dropped in WW II and created over 5,000 square miles of craters. At the officially acknowledged cost of $1.6 trillion, 2006 dollars, to conduct that war and another $1.6 trillion for the cost and damage incurred by the Vietnamese, for a total of $3.2 trillion, America could have given every man, woman, and child in Vietnam, 62 million people, just under $50,000 or almost $300,000 per family.
Guatemala Broke Free Briefly
In 1951, the Communist Party was one of the smallest of four parties which supported the election of Jacobo Arbenz as president of Guatemala.
Knowing that foreign-owned land titles had been obtained under far from free market conditions, President Arbenz started the legal process of reclaiming several hundred thousand acres of idle land from America’s United Fruit Company.
For the first block of 178,000 acres, United Fruit was offered a 24-year bond valued at $525,000, its valuation on United Fruit’s tax records.
But United Fruit had close connections to the old-boy network of the National Security Council and in the CIA. The brothers John Foster Dulles, appointed Secretary of State one year before the overthrow of Arbenz, Allen Dulles, appointed director of the CIA also one year before that overthrow, General Walter Bedell Smith, director of the CIA when Arbenz was elected, and John J. McCloy, World Bank president who refused loans to Guatemala during its destabilization.
In a replay of future Vice President of Gulf Oil, Kermit Roosevelt, overseeing the overthrow of Iran, all four of these powerful men in American intelligence and the World Bank either had a longstanding connection to United Fruit before Arbenz’s overthrow, or they became directors of that company shortly afterwards.
An earlier coup attempt with the CIA backing the remnant colonial elite with money and arms failed, so the CIA prepared more thoroughly for Arbenz’s overthrow in 1954.
A perception management (propaganda) campaign was launched throughout Latin America claiming Arbenz was a Communist. Russian-made arms were parachuted into Guatemala to be found and support the claim of a Communist takeover.
The CIA and the United States Information Service, USIA, an integral part of the Mighty Wurlitzer, cooperated in a media blitz. The USIA created over 200 perception management articles on Guatemala and provided them to Latin American newspapers for anonymous use.
Over 100,000 pamphlets titled “Chronology of Communism in Guatemala” and 27,000 copies of anticommunist cartoons and posters were distributed. The USIA produced three perception management movies on Guatemala. Seven weeks before the successful coup, the CIA launched a clandestine radio misinformation campaign.
When all was ready, powerful transmitters broadcasting messages of confusion overrode Guatemala’s national radio while fighter aircraft bombed oil and ammunition dumps, strafed Guatemala City, and dropped smoke bombs to make it appear the attack was even larger.
Although the CIA army of expatriate Guatemalans never numbered over 400 and were staying close to the Honduran border so they could escape if the Guatemalan army was activated, the bluff worked. Arbenz was overthrown.
Undestroyed documents eventually forced out of the CIA under the Freedom of Information Act showed 58 of Guatemala’s freely elected officials were targeted for assassination. A comparable number of elected officials and intellectuals targeted for death so as to control the American government would be 2,300.
Only the CIA knows how many of those original 58 leaders were assassinated, but with 200,000 killed and unaccounted for during the 35 years Guatemalans attempted to wrest back their government, and with Guatemala’s U.S.-supported military and CIA-orchestrated death squads being responsible for a documented 93% of the slaughters, it is highly likely most were.
Chile Broke Free Very Briefly
Thinking there were no serious problems in Chile and spending only a modest amount of money to influence its 1972 election, Cold War managers of state went into shock when Salvadore Allende was freely elected president on a platform of control of Chilean resources for Chileans.
The CIA immediately financed 10 economists, primarily from the Chicago School of Economics, to put together an alternative economic program for Chile to assure stability once that errant nation was brought back within the fold (see Naomi Klein’s The Shock Doctrine).
The managers of state embargoed Chile and the CIA and America’s military, primarily the Navy, coordinated plans for Allende’s overthrow. This included picking Chilean military personnel for training at the School of the Americas, then in Panama, and later in Fort Benning, Georgia, then renamed to the Center for Inter-American Security Cooperation, but properly nicknamed The School of Assassins or School of Coups.
Among those handpicked recruits would be dependable supporters for a coup when the time was ripe. Guns used to assassinate President Allende were proven to have been given to the assassins by the CIA which then must abide by the rules of plausible denial and disclaim any responsibility.
Among those killed the first year of Pinochet’s regime were citizens of the United States, Spain, and a few other countries. The Chilean government’s official figure of 3,197 killed by its security forces in the suppression is almost certainly many times too low.
Pinochet was under house arrest in Britain for over a year in response to a petition to be extradited to Spain to stand trial for killing 300 Spanish citizens.
Although he escaped that attempt to put him on trial, he, eight Chilean generals, and 80 military and intelligence officials were later indicted in Chile and virtually everyone agrees Pinochet will be recorded in history as being in charge of the torture and slaughter of many thousand innocent Chileans.
Argentineans have similarly been able to correct the history of the suppression of democratic voice in their country, but most such suppressions get falsely recorded as civil wars and uprisings.
Since the overthrow of Allende, Chile is trumpeted as a great success story of Adam Smith free trade. But when all wealth is accounted for, it is a testimonial to Chilean resources and wealth going to the imperial centers of capital and their wealthy puppets then running Chile.
In statistics, where you start and where you quit is everything. After Allende’s overthrow, national output dropped 15%, the unemployment rate rose to 20%, wage reductions averaged 15%, and that low level provides the base for most statistics.
But a proper statistical base would start from Chile’s production level under Allende. In 1986, 16 years after Allende’s overthrow, Chile’s GDP had only regained that 1970 level, real wages were still below that year’s level, and per-capita consumption was 15% lower, some calculate 23% lower. Between 1985 and 1990, the income of the top 10% of Chileans rose 90% while the share of Chile’s wealth for the poorest 25% fell from 11% to 7%.
The percentage share of national income going to labor dropped from 47.7% in 1970 to 19% 20 years later. Likewise, Argentina’s labor share dropped from 40.9% to 24.9%, Ecuador’s from 34.4% to 15.8%, Mexico’s from 37.5% to 27.3%, and Peru’s from 40% to 16.8%.
The real story of Chile and other emerging nations is that the earnings of laborers declined significantly, their rights declined rapidly, the earnings of the already wealthy climbed astronomically, and the natural wealth of Chile and the rest of Latin America were being rapidly claimed by the imperial centers of capital, a classic example of a successful neo-mercantilist policy.
All this is changing fast as South American ballot box revolutions throw out the puppet governments and install honest leaders. Chile is one of the 80% of South America’s population that seems to have joined Hugo Chavez’s Bolivarian Revolution.
Chile and a few other Latin American nations are calling previous political and military leaders to account for their atrocities against their own people as puppets for America’s destabilization and suppression policies. The US still has a military base in Bolivia. Stay tuned via Democracy now, Link TV, informationclearinghouse, other quality listserves, & Google searches.
El Salvador Did Not Gain Even its Political Freedom
With the exception that a free election was never permitted, the 1980 through 1992 suppression of El Salvador’s break for freedom paralleled that of Guatemala as described above.
When tortured bodies with their thumbs wired behind their backs, a death squad marker, show up outside the El Salvadoran capital almost daily, and since there was no serious effort by the officials to get to the bottom of those tortures, one can safely assume these were government assassinations of the political opposition.
This was the conclusion of the United Nations El Salvador Truth Commission. Its 1993 report placed responsibility for 85% of the 70,000-plus deaths on security forces trained, armed, and advised by the American military and another 10% upon the El Salvadoran elite’s private death squads which, of course, could only function with the silent support of the both the El Salvadoran and American governments.
The suppression was successful and El Salvador remains as a provider of cheap resources and labor. It is now “the 8th-largest exporter worldwide of apparel to the United States. In 2006 it shipped. 268 million garments, A Google-Nexus-Lexus search for Truth Commissions will be an education.
Nicaragua Never Attained Economic Freedom
Nicaragua gained its freedom on July 19, 1979, when the Sandinista liberation forces overthrew President Somoza. Under the guidelines of NSC-68, American managers of state immediately made plans to reverse that revolution.
The CIA armed, trained, and oversaw the sabotage and assassinations within Nicaragua by Nicaraguan defectors called Contras. While tens of thousands of people were killed under the oppressive, U.S. sponsored, Somoza dictatorship, only a few thousand died, all at the hands of the Contras, as Nicaragua fought for its freedom.
The Nicaraguan government was protecting its citizens as opposed to being the primary source of murderous assault upon its own people as in Chile, Guatemala, El Salvador and in Nicaragua under Somoza. The immediate improvement in education, health, and living standards under the Sandinistas was reversed by the destabilization process.
As massive U.S. funds illegally financed the opposition, the beleaguered Sandinistas eventually agreed to an election. The people knew the war of attrition would continue if Ortega and the Sandinistas still governed, and the American-backed Violeta Chammoro became president of Nicaragua in February 1990.
Though the Chammoro government was not the thief and oppressor that the old guard Somoza government had been, that suffering nation, once rapidly progressing under the Sandinistas, is one of the poorest nations of Latin America as their resources again feed the industries and populations of the imperial centers of capital. One-in-nine Nicaraguan children face serious malnutrition, BBC news used the word starving, and Nicaragua was again a country going nowhere.
But Ortega won the election in 2006 and Nicaragua, Cuba, and several more of the Caribbean island nations may be joining Hugo Chavez’s Bolivarian Revolution which is sweeping South America.
Southern Africa’s Frontline States
As the Vietnam War wound down in 1976, the CIA, under the instructions of Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, was getting deeper into Angola and other regions of the world.
John Stockwell, former CIA officer in Langley, Virginia, overseeing the destabilization of Angola, emphatically points out that America was supporting the National Union for Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) while the vast majority of Angolans supported the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA).
Moreover, it was well recognized the MPLA was “best-qualified to run Angola; nor was it hostile to the United States,” while the leader of UNITA, Jonas Savimbi, had taken training in the Soviet Union and was distinctly more ideologically tuned to that federation than MPLA.
Obviously the political and economic shattering of Angola was the purpose of supporting Savimbi, not the establishment of a functional friendly government.
Facing the greatest threat from black Africans gaining their freedom, South Africa’s white minority government orchestrated Renamo’s terror campaign in Mozambique and, in conjunction with the remnant colonial power structures, ran similar covert destabilization campaigns in Zambia, Namibia, Zimbabwe, and Botswana.
The CIA, with support from Belgium, destabilized the Congo and assassinated the charismatic and popular Patrice Lumumba (run a Google-Nexus-Lexus search) before he could be legitimized as their leader through elections.
Control still could not be assured, so Zaire was created to remove those rich copper deposits from the uncontrollable Congolese and Joseph Mobutu was installed as the Belgian-American puppet. S
ixty minutes, January 13, 2008, addressed the Congo today, four million slaughtered in the latest struggle between corporations and groups to control enormously valuable mineral resources (those causes not discussed by 60 Minutes) and still rising.
That greatest slaughter of all struggles for control of other nation’s resources, ongoing today, had been totally unreported, thus unknown, and the fundamental reasons are still unaddressed and unknown.
As they were breaking free after WW II, many countries of Africa were looking forward to federating as a United States of Africa, building their infrastructure, educating their citizens, building modern industry, and joining the world of developed nations.
The suppressions of those breaks for freedom on the southern cone of Africa cost many millions of innocent lives, see Wind of Change at Films for Humanity & Sciences 800.257.5126, item # BVL30750.
The Libyan Threat
After Libya declared its freedom, Britain tried several times to covertly overthrow Libya’s leader who responded by supporting violent anti-Western political movements.
After direct bomber attacks, which killed President Muammar Khadaffi’s adopted daughter, such support was abandoned. Though Libya’s human losses have been small, there have been some killed and, through embargoes, their economy had been successfully contained.
Libyan, Iranian, and Iraqi economic freedom meant they, along with other newly developing oil-rich nations which would follow their lead, would build their own refineries and take over a significant share of the world’s oil industry.
With their cheap oil and massive reserves, pennies per barrel as both raw material and fuel for their refineries and factories against $100 a barrel for others to import, they would also control all the thousands of derivative products of oil—medicines, plastics, synthetic fibers, etc—as well as other fuel-intensive production processes.
Under the guidelines of Muammar Khadaffi’s Green Book and its oil wealth, Libya is successfully maintaining its freedom and taking control of its destiny.
Through their People’s Assemblies, they and Cuba may be the only two countries whose people vote directly on their laws, direct democracy.
Cuba: Almost Free and May Yet Succeed
In 1959 the American-backed Cuban dictator, General Batista, fled as Fidel Castro’s forces freed Cuba. The new Cuban government was not Communist and attempted to maintain friendly relations with America.
But the redistribution of the wealth producing processes in Cuba from foreign ownership to Cuban ownership and their regaining control of their destiny was the very thing threatening American managers of state the most.
Embargoes were put into effect to force a rescinding of those policies. Cuba promptly turned to the Soviet Union for technological and economic support and embraced the Communist ideology.
The Cuban economy developed rapidly. Measured by averages, Cuban students now lead the world in education, their health care equals America’s, and infant mortality is lower.
No Cubans are hungry, housing was being rapidly built, and a sign outside Havana read: “Millions of children in the world sleep in the street and not one is Cuban.”
All this was accomplished even as Cuba was totally embargoed by the West. No ship trading with America dared dock in a Cuban port; if they did they could not dock in the United States.
No corporation dared trade with Cuba; to do so would result in fines or withdrawal of trading rights in the United States. Such rapid development of a nation breaking free was the great fear of managers of state.
Saboteurs—trained, armed, financed, and managed by the CIA—counterfeited Cuban money and ration books, burned cane fields and infected them with fungus, infected tobacco fields with mildew, and infected potato fields with the potato-ravaging insect Thrips palmi.
African swine fever, never before seen in the Western hemisphere, ravaged Cuba twice and 500,000 pigs had to be destroyed. Over 300,000 Cubans were infected with dengue fever, 158 died of which 101 were children under 15 years old.
Enough operatives have acknowledged their part in this biological warfare that serious researchers accept the accuracy of these allegations. Newly released CIA documents alerted researchers that crop warfare was practiced against a number of other impoverished countries.
This author watched a news broadcast where one operative boasted of over 50 forays into Cuba creating such havoc, including blowing up a Cuban railroad trestle and “watching the train go into the ravine just like in the movies.”
Until the 9/11/2001 terrorist attack on America, no one was blowing up American or European trains and refineries, no one was burning American or European grain fields, no one was poisoning the West’s dairy cattle (in East Germany 7,000 were poisoned by the CIA) and no one was practicing germ and crop warfare against the West.
In short, the truth is exactly the apposite of what the CIA’s Mighty Wurlitzer has propagandized the world to believe. No countries were attempting to overthrow Western nations. It is the rest of the world which was under assault for the purpose of controlling their governments, their resources, and the wealth producing process.
After the 9/11 terrorist attack Americans are very justly waging a war on terror. Yet five Cuban agents infiltrating the Cuban-American community so Cuba could be forewarned of U.S. coached terrorist attacks against them were sentenced to 15-years-to-life as spies.
A serious analysis would conclude charging those Cuban heroes with spying is an admission that America was behind the same covert attacks against Cuba as they fear others are now waging against Americans.
The imperial center is retaining the right to interfere covertly, overtly, and violently with any nation on the periphery and simultaneously deny these besieged people even the right of self-defense.
Note how successful these strategies of tension are for controlling the mindset of a population. American people remained blissfully unaware that Cubans had attained a level of education and health care equal to America and had eliminated hunger while the rest of Latin America remained in poverty.
Talk to any American on the street and most will know nothing of Cuba’s successes and, even though it is Cuba being terrorized by America and Cuba is not terrorizing anyone, they believe Cuba is a terrorist state in poverty.
Many times this author would test his peers by bringing up the subject of Cuba. Their immediate angry response casting Castro as a dictator and killer testify to the effectiveness of the American perception management machine.
Rather than being an autocratic dictator, any leaders that led a country to freedom and made such great progress in eliminating poverty and hunger would gain the very loyalty and respect the Cuban people give their government.
Far fewer people died in the Cuban revolution than most and those who were killed were Cubans cooperating with the American government in the attempted suppression of Cuban freedom.
That Cuba was ever a military threat is totally silly. No serious diplomat of state thought the Soviets, China, or anyone else was going to invade any country in the powerful Western bloc.
It was Cuba’s rapid, exemplary successes in bettering the living standards of her people, which, if allowed to succeed, would have made it impossible to control the governments and resources of other impoverished nations that was the threat.
After the Soviet Union was destabilized, one of the conditions for financial help was that it withdraws its support of Cuba. This effectively isolated their economy.
Building cranes went silent for lack of building materials, machinery was idled for lack of spare parts, and the once prosperous Cuban economy rapidly regressed. Their economy has turned back up as a trade alliance of Venezuela, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Uruguay, and China are bringing them into their trade agreements.
As these countries now understand how they have been destabilized in the past and denied their right for economic development, the only way their alliance and economic development—the on-going Bolivarian Revolution–can be prevented is by direct military conquest. The same scene is rapidly developing in Africa triggering U.S. establishment of AFRICOM.
Meantime, 40% of Cuban doctors are going to the poorest regions of the world’s poorest countries to provide medical care. Cuba is now providing free medical scholarships to students from poor nations and has provided 50 free scholarships to poor American students with the understanding they will practice in the poorer parts of the U.S. which have a shortage of good doctors.
By 2015 4.5 million blind Latin Americans will have their sight restored by Cuban doctors, all without charge. Forty percent of Cuba’s 70,000 doctors are in other countries establishing clinics and providing medical care to impoverished populations.
Cuban educators set up schools in Venezuela and in 2005 that country was declared fully literate. The program is expanding to Bolivia which is planning on their citizens being fully literate within 10 years.
There is the high possibility most Latin Americans will be literate within 20 years. If that education program is expanded to the Telesur-Bolivar satellite systems, most will be well educated in two generations.
Under their direct democracy that country was shut down for three days to debate a change in their constitution. We were mesmerized watching 15-year-olds, 20-year-olds, 30-year-olds, and 60-year-olds give passionate television speeches.
In a country we are taught is a violent and abusive dictatorship, its citizens debate on, and vote on, their laws. These well-educated passionate people would have been uneducated, impoverished and shoeless under any typical Western puppet government.
Today they are, except for America’s embargo trying to strangle their economy, fully free, equal and trying to build a peaceful and productive society. So much for Cuban terrorists!
Cuba and Bolivia have signed a pact with Venezuela and other nations and will surely be joining the Bolivarian Revolutionists along with other Caribbean and South American countries.
An incomplete list of other destabilizations would be: One coup per year for 16 years in Laos, in Haiti, the installation of the brutal “Papa Doc” Duvalier; in the Dominican Republic, assassination of Rafael Trujillo and overthrow of freely-elected Juan Bosch; in Ecuador, overthrow of Jose Velasco; in the Congo, assassination of the freely elected Patrice Lumumba; in Brazil, overthrow of the freely-elected government of Joao Goulart; a military coup in Greece; in Cambodia, the overthrow of Prince Sahounek; in Bolivia, the overthrow of Juan Torres, and that is a small part of the list.
The World Starts Breaking Free From Imperial Centers
Fear gripped the powerful when Russia broke free in the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. The Third Estate, the bourgeoisie, with the support of the common people, had revolted and taken the reins of power from the 1st and 2nd Estates.
As WW I ground to a halt, Communist revolutionaries were taking over railroads and factories as Germany collapsed. The disillusioned German navy and much of the army were hoisting the red flag.
Only an alliance between Social Democrats and the socialist wing of labor gave private armies, called “free corps”, enough time to wrestle those railroads, factories, and disaffected military from the Communists.
That Social Democratic-Socialist alliance was broken when the old powerbrokers reclaimed control through the installation of Hitler and his fascists.
The managers of state of the old imperial nations knew how close the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia came to spilling over into Poland, Austria, Germany, and even Italy.
They knew that, if those major nations were lost, the rest of Europe was sure to follow. A firewall to prevent that threatening philosophy from sweeping them from power had to be built.
The scourge of Bolshevism (Communism) as a dictatorial power dedicated to ruling the world was created to lock much of the world into that belief system.
Copied from the old Illuminati and Zionist scare, the message, increasing the level of tension so the masses could be controlled, was the same, “Communism! Communism! They want to take over your country! Your church! The world!” Under that call to arms between the two world wars, most of the governments of Europe were turned over to fascists.
In the United States, in 1920, the suppression of American political rights took the form of the Palmer Raids, in which thousands, mostly labor unionists suspected of Soviet sympathies, were arrested in the middle of the night.
Hundreds were deported, and hundreds more were sent to prison. Meantime, most of the world was still under the control of the managers of state of those countries sounding the warning. The country breaking free from monopoly capitalism’s control was, by comparison, extremely weak.
What the managers of state really feared was the failure of the 14-nation attempt to overthrow the Bolshevik Revolution, the governing of that country by the common people, and how close Germany, Italy, and a few other countries had come to being lost to the same revolutionary forces.
Lest taking democracy seriously would spread and destroy the power structure of the imperial nations operating under representative democracy, an extremely limited democracy at best, the masses of these “free” countries had to be inoculated against the ideology of that revolution through creation of the Bolshevik (Communist) “enemy.”
But during the crisis of the following Great Depression the inoculation was quickly wearing off. The managers of state of European countries knew the leaders of labor would govern if honest elections were permitted, so they turned the governments over to fascists.
Managers of state all over Europe acted to avoid a ballot-box revolution such as occurred in Spain. The fascist takeovers of the governments of Europe were a sham to suppress the democratic voice of the people:
Hitler was eventually put in power by the feudalist clique around President Hindenburg, just as Mussolini and Primo de Rivera were ushered into office by their respective sovereigns…. In no case was an actual revolution against constituted authority launched; fascist tactics were those of a sham rebellion arranged with the tacit approval of the authorities who pretended to have been overwhelmed by force.
The fascists were put in power by back-room political deals, specifically for the protection of power and wealth and to avoid democratic solutions, yet are recorded in history as only fascism and that only in Germany and Italy, ignoring all other such states.
The preceding quotation was from economic historian Karl Polanyi, who recognized desperate powerbrokers’ use of violent fascism to suppress democracy.
Hitler was a German intelligence officer throughout Germany’s post-WW I crisis and it is highly likely his rise to power was orchestrated by German intelligence to protect a crumbling power structure.
That these realities can be found only by in-depth reading is because much of history has been written, and is being written, to protect a power structure.
The famed march of the Black Shirts supposedly putting Mussolini in power took place three days after Italy had been effectively handed over to fascist control.
Germany’s famous Reichstag fire was almost a month after Hitler had been given power in a secret January meeting of German powerbrokers.
Those acts were part of creating the belief system of the opposition as terrorists and enemies and thus weakening them politically before the national elections legitimized Hitler’s rule.
Only in Spain were free elections permitted and, to the horror of the captains of monopoly capitalism, labor won the right to govern.
The connection between the powerbrokers, fascism, and the fear of ballot-box revolutions was evident when troops from Germany and Italy—with unspoken but real support from America, Britain, and France—supported the dictator Franco, and, in a bloody foreshadow of WW II, overthrew that election.
The real target of the back-room political deal in Germany was labor which was poised to take over the reins of the German government by the vote.
When Hitler seized power in 1933, police were ordered to shoot key labor leaders on sight and within a year 100,000 politically aware persons were in prison. Witness the comments of a member of Hitler’s cabinet, Colonel Walther von Reichenau.
His analysis of the crisis in Germany could be used almost without changing a word to describe labor’s position in America since 1980, in the collapsed economies on the periphery of empire since 1997, and in the U.S. today as the economy slows:
The trade unions have been smashed, the communists driven into a corner and provisionally neutralized, the Reichstag has surrendered its rights with the Enabling Law. The workers are keeping their heads down and, after the previous slump, their wage packets will be more important to them than any politics.
Although there had previously been much rhetoric against, and individual persecution of, the Jews within Germany, organized attacks against them did not start until November 9, 1938, and known as Kristallnacht, The Night of Broken Glass.
The onslaught against the Jews by fascists was undertaken to repay the super-secret Thule Society, surely now rebuilding in Europe and closely related to America’s Aryan Nations, for their early financial support of Hitler.
The Thule Society organized Hitler’s German Workers’ Party and supported it financially. Their symbol was the swastika, and this became the symbol of German fascism. Hitler likely put these fanatics into positions of power because they were the power behind him.
When the original targets of the Inquisition, Christian Cathars and Waldensians, were eliminated, the inquisitors turned towards searching for witches and satanic cults to justify their existence and maintain their power.
Those first accused of practicing the “black arts” and burned at the stake were rather defenseless people. However, as the hysteria continued, the accusatory finger pointed higher and higher and eventually pointed towards those in power. When these powerful became the target, the hysteria died down. After a respite, the witch hunts would start again.
The same pattern was observed when McCarthy’s “witch hunts” started destroying those in power, the powerful turned, destroyed him, and the hysteria died down.
Whenever personal risk to leaders is high, they defend themselves. This demonstrates how the process can be controlled and the public protected if the leaders ever decide they wish to do so.
There are many historical examples of prosperous societies regressing and even disappearing. Jared Diamond’s Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed alerts us that many cultures disappeared through destroying the fertility of their soils.
That is the biggest threat to our world today. Our effort is to alert the reader as to the waste both within world trade and internal trade which can be eliminated and give societies the space, time, and resources to address both global warming and soil fertility losses.
A millennium ago, Chinese culture had matches, wheelbarrows, wheeled metal plows, mechanical seeders, horse collars, rotary threshing machines, a drill to tap into natural gas, and much more. But that society collapsed for as yet unknown reasons.
Seventeen hundred years ago, libraries and culture centers were all around the perimeter of the Mediterranean. People were educated just as we are today. In 314 Constantine allied with the Christian church and one by one, that alliance burned every library, destroyed those culture centers, and killed off the educated.
No one dared study or admit to being educated see CHRISTIAN PERSECUTIONS AGAINST THE HELLENES.
Over a period of 266 years, every library was burned and every culture center destroyed. With no educated people left to run governments, Western society dropped into the 700 years of the dark ages.
In the Library of Alexandria was a functioning steam engine. An artifact dating back to those times was determined to have been a battery.
Obviously, if the learned classes had not been under assault, over the next two centuries they could have invented cars, trains, planes, TVs, phones, and all other amenities of a modern society. The decision of one culture to destroy another had set the Industrial Revolution back 1,500 years.
The history of the destruction of the Hellene’s over a period of 266 years is reminiscent of the suppression of all cultures who might challenge Western culture the past 60 years. The emerging fundamentalist Christian beliefs that the world will be destroyed, that they will be the only survivors through being “raptured” to heaven, and they now influencing the current nuclear-armed American governments is uniquely dangerous. With nuclear weapons, the world can be destroyed in a matter of hours.
For those who would dismiss that risk, study Naomi Klein’s The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism and study how the corporate hard right’s funding of think tanks and Milton Friedman’s view (also Leo Strauss’s) of a totally privatized world led to America’s plan to remake governments, three or more countries at a time.
The current Iraqi debacle was the first full fledged implementation of that plan and they have not yet abandoned those imperial, dictatorial, ideas.
It is time we abandoned these battles whose only purpose is to appropriate others wealth and live together peacefully. Our concluding chapters outline the enormous gains of a peaceful world.
All wealth is processed from resources and most of that wealth of nature was in the colonial world. Check a globe and note the tiny area taken up by the old empires of Europe and the massive expanses of land within the colonial world.
Those crucial 170 words describing an honest, efficient, capitalist economy. Does anyone have the ear of President Barack Obama’s Economic Recovery Team?
We are a cooperative publishing house dedicated to the elimination of poverty and war paying ourselves double the normal royalty and will pay higher yet as soon as we can.
We need more cutting edge researchers. If you can broaden our understanding and that of our readers, have a high-quality book within you that you wish to use in class, or just wish to reach the world, please Contact Us.
 Bernard Grun, Timetables of American History (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1979); L. Fletcher Prouty, JFK: The CIA, Vietnam, and the Plot to Assassinate John F. Kennedy (New York: Birch Lane Press, 1992), pp. 33-36; W. Bello, U.S. Sponsored Low Intensity Conflict in the Philippines ( San Francisco: Institute for Food & Development Policy December, 1987); S. Karnow, In Our Image: America’s Empire in the Philippines (New York: Random House, 1989); Fred Poole, and Max Vanzi, Revolution in the Philippines: The United States in A Hall of Cracked Mirrors (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1984); Daniel B. Schirmer and Stephen Rosskamm Shalom, The Philippines Reader: A History of Colonialism, Dictatorship, and Resistance (Boston: South End Press, 1987); William Blum, The CIA: A Forgotten History (London: Zed Books, 1986); C.B. Currey, Edward Lansdale: The Unquiet American (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1988); R. Constantino and L.R. Constantino, The Philippines: The Continuing Past (Quezon City, Philippines: The Foundation for Nationalist Studies, 1978); G. Porter, “The politics of counterinsurgency in the Philippines: Military and Political Options,” Philippine Studies Occasional Paper No. 9 (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii, Center for Philippine Studies, 1987); R. Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator (New York: Times Books 1987); J. Prados, The Presidents’ Secret Wars (New York: William Morrow, 1986) and The President’s Secret Wars, rev. Warwick: Elephant Paperbacks, 1996; K. Nair, Devil and His Dart: How the CIA is Plotting in the Third World (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1986); Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, Boulder, CO, many issues; E. G. Lansdale, In the Midst of Wars (New York: Harper & Row, 1972); D.S. Blaufarb, The Counterinsurgency Era: U.S. Doctrine and Performance 1950 to Present (New York: The Free Press, 1977); E. Thomas, The Very Best Men, Four Who Dared: The Early Years of the CIA (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995); J. Ranelagh, The Agency (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1986); Michael T. Klare and P. Kornbluh, Low Intensity Warfare (NY: Pantheon Books, 1988).
 Frederic F. Clairmont, Rise and Fall of Economic Liberalism (Goa, India: The Other India Press, 1996), p. 223. Smedley D. Butler, War is a Racket (Los Angeles: Feral House, 2003)
 Amir Taheri, Nest of Spies: America’s Journey to Disaster in Iran (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988); Said K. Aburish, A Brutal Friendship: The West and the Arab Elite (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998); Richard Labeviere, Dollars for Terror: The United States and Iran (New York: Algora Publishing, 2000), p. 44; Burton Hersh, The Old Boys: The American Elite and the Origins of the CIA (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1992), 330-34; Kermit Roosevelt, Countercoup: The Struggle for the Control of Iran (New York: McGraw-Hill 1979): C. Andrew, For the President’s Eyes Only: Secret Intelligence and the American Presidency from Washington to Bush (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1995), pp. 203-05.
 Taheri, Nest of Spies, pp. 122-126.
 Hundreds of doctors and professors have been assassinated without any of the assassins being caught. This is “The El Salvador Option” (death squads) in action. Run a Google search.
 Larry Everest, Oil, Power, and Empire: Iraq and the U.S. Global Agenda (Common Courage Press, Monroe, 2004); Lutz Kleveman, The New Great Game: Blood and Oil in Central Asia (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2003); Kevin Phillips, American Dynasty: Aristocracy, Fortune, and the Politics of Deceit in the House of Bush (New York: Penguin Books, 2003); Christopher Scheer, Robert Scheer, and Lakshmi Chaudhry, The Five Biggest Lies Bush Told us About Iraq (Seven Stories Press, 2003); Michel Chossudovsky, War and Globalization: The Truth Behind September 11 (Ontario: Global Outlook, 2002); Neil Mackay, “Bush Planned Iraq ‘Regime Change’ Before Coming President,” The Sunday Herald (Scotland), September 15, 2002; Dan Morgan and David B Ottaway, “In Iraqi Oil Scenario, Oil is Key Issue: U.S. Drillers Eye Huge Petroleum Pool,” Washington Post, September 14, 2002; Scott Peterson, “In War, Some Facts Less Factual,” The Christian Science Monitor September 6, 2002; Milan, Rai, Regime Unchanged (Sterling: Pluto Press, 2003); Solomon, Norman, Target Iraq: What the News Media Didn’t Tell you (New York: Context Books, 2003); Ali, Tariq, Bush in Babylon: The Recolonization of Iraq (New York: Verso, 2003); Hiro, Dilip, Secrets and Lies: Operation Iraqi Freedom and After, A Prelude to the Fall of U.S. Power in the Middle East (New York: Nation Books, 2004); Ali, Tariq, The Clash of Fundamentalisms: Crusades, Jihads and Modernity (New York: Verso, 2002); Briody, Dan, The Iron Triangle: Inside the Secret World of the Carlyle Group (Hoboken, Wiley and Sons, 2003); Ivins, Molly, and Lou Dubose, Bushwhacked: Life in George Bush’s America (New York: Random House, 2003); Chossudovsky, Michel, War and Globalization: The Truth Behind September 11(Shanty Bay, Ontario: Global Outlook, 2002); Chomsky, Noam, 9-11 (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2002); Zinn, Howard, Terrorism and War (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2002); Parenti, Michael, The Terrorism Trap: September 11 and Beyond (San Francisco: City Lights Books, 2002); Bill Powell, “Iraq We Win, Then What, Fortune November 5, 2002, pp. 61-72; Milan Rai, War Plan Iraq (London: Verso Press, 2002); William Rivers Pitt, Scott Ritter, War on Iraq (New York: Context Books, 2002).
 Mackay, “Bush Planned Iraq ‘Regime Change’”; W. Clark, “The Real Reason for the upcoming War with Iraq, Run a Google Search
 Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2007).
 Steven Hiatt, Editor, A Game As Old As Empire: The Secret World of Economic Hit Men and the Web of Global Corruption (San Francisco, Barrett-Koehler, 2007), builds upon and goes far beyond John Perkins. Chalmers Johnson, Nemesis The Last Days of the American Republic (Metropolitan Books, New York, 2006), both these books expand Naomi Klein’s crucial concepts. Jeremy Scahill, Blackwater: : The Rise of the World’s Most Powerful Mercenary Army (New York, Nation Books, 2007), a leading example of the privatized world Klein and Johnson are talking.
 Dan Murphy, “Indonesia Confronts Unruly Past” (The Christian Science Monitor, November 20, 2000), pp. 1, 10; Blum, Rogue State, chapter 17; Philip Agee, Inside the Company (New York: Bantam Books, 1975), p. 9; .Steve Weissman, The Trojan Horse (Palo Alto: Ramparts Press, 1975); McT Kahin, Subversion as Foreign Policy: The Secret Eisenhower and Dulles Debacle in Indonesia (New York: New Press, 1995); Wendell Minnick, Spies and Provocateurs: A Worldwide Encyclopedia of Persons Conducting Espionage and Covert Action, 1946-1991 (Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland, 1992), especially pp. 183-84; S.E. Ambrose, Ike’s Spies (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1981), p. 251; M. Caldwell, Editor, Ten Years Military Terror Indonesia (Nottingham: Spokesmen Books, no date); Blum, The CIA, especially p. 221; Google for Kathy Kadane.
 Dan Jacobs, The Brutality of Nations (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1987), especially p. 5.
 Stockwell, Praetorian Guard, p. 78.
 John Prados, The Hidden History of the Vietnam War (Chicago: Elephant Paperbacks, 1995); G.M. Kahin and J.W. Lewis, United States in Vietnam (New York: Dell Publishing Company, 1969); M. Gettleman, J. Franklin, M. Young, and B. Franklin, Vietnam and America: The Most Comprehensive Documented History of the Vietnam War (New York: Grove Press, 1995); Pentagon Papers: The Defense Department History of United States Decision Making on Vietnam, Senator Gravel, ed. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1971); L. Ackland, Credibility Gap: A Digest of the Pentagon Papers (Philadelphia, PA: The National Literature Service. 1972); O. DeForest and D. Chanoff, Slow Burn (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1990); N. Sheehan, A Bright Shining Lie (New York: Random House, 1988); Currey, Edward Lansdale; Prouty, JFK; Committee of Concerned Asian Scholars, The Indochina Story: A Fully Documented Account (New York: Pantheon Books, 1970); Frank Snepp, Decent Interval (New York: Random House, 1977); M. Young, The Vietnam Wars 1945-1990 (New York: HarperCollins, 1991); Douglas Valentine, The Phoenix Program (New York: William Morrow, 1990); D. Kaplan, Fires of the Dragon: Politics, Murder and the Kuomintang (NY: Atheneum, 1992); K. Conboy and J. Morrison, Shadow War: The CIA’s Secret War in Laos (Bolder, CO: Paladin Press, 1995); Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars.
 The Costs of War,” The Nation, December 24, 1990: p. 793; Matthew Cooper, “Give Trade a Chance,” U.S. News & World Report, February 14, 1994, p. 20; C. Robbins, The Ravens: The Men Who Flew in America’s Secret War (New York: Crown Publishers, 1987), p. 332; Prouty, JFK, p. 55; V. Levant, Quiet Complicity: Canadian Involvement in the Vietnam War (Toronto, Canada: Between the Lines, 1986), p.46.
 B. Cook, The Declassified Eisenhower (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1981), pp. 228-29; see also L. Shoup, W. Minter, Imperial Brain Trust: The Council on Foreign Relations & United States Foreign Policy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977); Hersh, Old Boys; Robin Winks, Cloak & Gown: Scholars in the Secret War, 1939-1961 (New York: Quill, 1987).
 Stephen Schlesinger and Stephen Kinzer, Bitter Fruit (New York: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1984); Peter Grose, Gentleman Spy : The Life of Allen Dulles (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 1996).
 N. Miller, Spying for America (New York: Paragon House, 1989); P. Gleijeses, Shattered Hope: The Guatemalan Revolution and the United States 1944-1954 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991); H.J. Hunt, Undercover: Memoirs of an American Secret Agent (New York: Berkeley Publishing, 1974).
 United Nations Guatemalan Truth Commission Report carried on AP wires February 25, 1999; Beatriz Manz Refugees of A Hidden War: The Aftermath of Counterinsurgency in Guatemala (New York: State University of New York, 1988); Jean-Marie Simon, Guatemala: Eternal Spring Eternal Tyranny (New York: W. W. Norton, 1988); Susanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (San Francisco: Westview Press, 1991); Michael McClintock, The American Connection: State Terror and Popular Resistance in Guatemala (London: Zed Books, 1985); B. Cook, The Declassified Eisenhower; Thomas, Very Best Men; D.A, Phillips, The Night Watch (New York: Atheneum 1977); T. McCann, An American Company: The Tragedy of United Fruit (New York: Crown Publishers, 1976); Andrew, For the President’s Eyes Only; Eduardo Galeano, Guatemala: Occupied Country (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1969); J. Heidenry, Theirs Was the Kingdom: Lila and Dewitt Wallace and the Story of the Reader’s Digest (New York: W.W. Norton, 1993), pp. 594-97; CovertAction Quarterly; Counterspy; run library database searches for anything written by Allen Nairn; Blum, The CIA; Blum, Rogue State, chapters 3-10 and chapter 17; and his book Killing Hope: U.S. Military Interventions Since World War II (Monroe, Me: Common Courage Press, 1995).
 Lucy Komisar, “Documented Complicity: Newly Released Files set the Record Straight on U.S. Support for Pinochet,” The Progressive, September, 1999, pp. 24-27; Blum, Rogue State, chapter 17; Samuel Chavkin, The Murder of Chile (New York: Everest House, 1982); John Dinges, Saul Landau, Assassination on Embassy Row (New York: Pantheon Books, 1980); Blum, Forgotten History, pp. 232-43; Blum, Killing Hope; R.L. Borosage and J. Marks, ed., The CIA File (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1976); Church Committee Report (1975-1976); William Colby, Honorable Men (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1978), pp. 302-06; M. Copeland, Beyond Cloak and Dagger (New York: Pinnacle Books, 1975), note 221; Counterspy, Spring/Summer 1975, pp. 43-47; Louis Wolf, review of The American Federation of Teachers and the CIA, by George Schmidt, CovertAction Quarterly 2 (October 1978); Fred Landis, “CIA Media Operations in Chile, Jamaica, and Nicaragua,” CovertAction Quarterly 16 (March 1982), pp. 42-43; Fred Landis, “Opus Dei: Secret Order Vies for Power,” CovertAction Quarterly 18 (Winter 1983), pp. 14-15; Louis Wolf, “Inaccuracy in the Media: Accuracy in Media Rewrites the News and History,” CovertAction Quarterly 21 (Spring 1984), pp. 31-32; Fred Landis, “Moscow Rules Moss’s Mind,” CovertAction Quarterly 4 (Summer 1985), pp. 37-38; Stella Calloni, “The Horror Archives of Operation Condor,” CovertAction Quarterly 50 (Fall 1994), pp. 11, 13, 58-59; Darrin Wood, “Mexico Practices What School of America Teaches,” CovertAction Quarterly 59 (Winter 1996-97), pp. 38-53; Lisa Haugaard, “Textbook Repression: US Training Manuals Declassified,” CovertAction Quarterly 61 (Summer 1997), pp. 29-38; Michael Ratner, “The Pinochet Principle,” CovertAction Quarterly 66 (Winter 1999), pp. 46-48; H. Frazier, ed, Uncloaking the CIA (New York: The Free Press, 1978), 34-54, 60-63; F.S. Landis, “Psychological Warfare and Media Operations in Chile 1970-1973” (Doctoral dissertation, University of Illinois, 1975): pp. 4, 14, 235, 254, 309-312; Victor Marchetti, J.D. Marks, The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence ( New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974), especially p. 17; Nair, Devil and His Dart; Prados, Presidents’ Secret Wars, 1996 ed., p. 319; Ranelagh, Agency, pp. 514-520; J. Richelson, American Espionage and the Soviet Target (New York: William Morrow, 1987), pp. 232-33; R.R. Sandford, The Murder of Allende, trans. A. Conrad (New York: Harper & Row, 1975); Stansfield Turner, Secrecy and Democracy: The CIA in Transition (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1985), pp. 80-81, 113, 191; A. Uribe, The Black Book of American Intervention in Chile (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1975); Rayack, Not So Free to Choose: The Political Economy of Milton Friedman and Ronald Reagan (Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1986); Hersh, Old Boys; Winks, Cloak & Gown; Juan José Arévalo, Anti-Kommunism in Latin America (New York: Lyle Stewart, 1963).
 P. Gunson, A. Thompson, G. Chamberlain, The Dictionary of Contemporary Politics of South America (NY: Routledge, 1989), p. 228; Rayack, Not so Free to Choose.
 A part of those assassinations were carried out under Operation Condor, a joint operation set up by Chilean, Argentinean, Brazilian, Uruguayan, Paraguayan, Ecuadorian and Bolivian intelligence (see The Nation August 9, 1999 and the New York Times March 6, 2001) to assassinate expatriates whom they considered a danger to the security of their then fascist governments and who had fled their home country, including some in Spain, Italy, the United States, and other countries,. The problem, of course, was that these people knew too much about the fascist suppressions in these countries. The assassination in Washington DC of former Chilean official Orlando Letelier was carried out under Operation Condor. American Ronni Moffit was riding in the car alongside Letelier when he was killed in that blast. An Internet search using keywords on these pages will come up with more citations.
Nuns, priests, veterans, students, grandmothers, and grandfathers have been sentenced for protesting at the gates of that terrorist training center (School of the Americas addressed above) operating in America. This is an annual event essentially unreported in the American media. As the imperial centers write history through placing defeated leaders on trial as mass murderers, the defendants were denied the right to use an international law defense. But these courageous people would not be silenced and spoke forcefully on the atrocities committed worldwide by graduates of this terrorist training center.
 Marc Cooper, Chile and the End of Pinochet,” The Nation (February 26, 2001), pp. 11-18.
 Greg Palast, The Best Democracy Money Can Buy, has a much deeper analysis that is a must read for the serious researcher. Duncan Green, Silent Revolution (London: Cassel, 1995), pp. 101, 108; Noam Chomsky, Deterring Democracy (New York: Verso, 1992), p. 231; Thomas Skidmore, Peter Smith, “The Pinochet Regime,” Modern Latin America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 137-38.; Rayack, Not so Free to Choose; Silvia Bortzutzky, “The Chicago Boys, Social Security and Welfare in Chile,” The Radical Right and the Welfare State; Howard Glennerster, James Midgley, editors (Barnes and Noble import, 1991), pp. 88, 91, 96..
 Rayack, Not so Free to Choose; Bortzutzky, ” Chicago Boys,” pp. 88, 91, 96; Walden Bello, Dark Victory: The United States and Global Poverty (San Francisco: Institute for Food and Development Policy, 1999), pp. 42-45, 58-59. See also above three notes. Statistics on labor’s share of income is from James Petras and Henry Veltmeyer, “Latin America at the End of the Millennium,” Monthly review (July/Aug. 1999), p. 44.
 United Nations Commission on the Truth in El Salvador, From Madness to Hope: The 12-Year War in El Salvador (U.N. Security Council, 1993); Charles Kernaghan, “Sweatshop Blues,” Dollars and Sense (March/April, 1999); Blum, Rogue State, chapter 17; Michael McClintock, The American Connection: State Terror and Popular Resistance in El Salvador (London: Zed Books, 1985); Blum, The CIA, pp. 232-43; Blum, Killing Hope; Dennis Volman, “Salvador Death Squads, a CIA connection?” The Christian Science Monitor, May 8, 1984, p. 1; many issues of the CovertAction Quarterly and Counterspy; Klare & Kornbluh, Low Intensity Warfare; Edward S. Herman, F. Broadhead, Demonstration Elections: U.S. Staged Elections in the Dominican Republic, Vietnam, and El Salvador (Boston: South End Press, 1984); Jonathan Kwitny, Endless Enemies: The Making of an Unfriendly World (New York: Congdon & Weed, 1984) .
 Blum, Rogue State, chapter 17; William I. Robinson, A Faustian Bargain: U.S. Intervention in the Nicaraguan Elections and American Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1992); Peter Kornblush, Nicaragua, The Price of Intervention: Reagan’s War Against the Sandinistas (Washington, DC: Institute for Policy Studies, 1987); Reed Brody, Contra Terror in Nicaragua: Report of A Fact Finding Mission: September 1984-January 1985 (Boston: South End Press, 1985); The Rise and Fall of the Nicaraguan Revolution (New York: New International, 1994); Garvin, G., Everybody Has His Own Gringo: The CIA and the Contras (New York: Brassey’s,1992); Peter Kornbluth and M. Byrne, The Iran-Contra Scandal: The Declassified History (New York: A National Security Archive Documents Reader, The New Press, 1993); Twentieth Century Fund, The Need to Know: The Report of the Twentieth Century Fund Task Force on Covert Action and American Democracy (New York: The Twentieth Century Fund Press, 1992); E. Chamorro, “Packaging the Contras: A Case of CIA Disinformation.” Institute for Media Analysis, Inc. Monograph Series Number 2 (New York, Institute for Media Analysis, Inc, 1987); Minnick, Spies and Provocateurs; John Prados, Keepers of the Keys: A History of the National Security Council from Truman to Bush (New York: William Morrow, 1991); Loch .K. Johnson, America’s Secret Power (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); C,D. Ameringer, U.S. Foreign Intelligence (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1990); H.B. Westerfield, ed., Inside CIA’s Private World: Declassified Articles from the Agency’s Internal Journal 1955-1992 (New Haven, CT. Yale University Press, 1995); J. Marshall, P.D. Scott, and J. Hunter, The Iran-Contra Connection (Boston, MA: South End Press, 1987); P.V. Parakal, Secret Wars of the CIA (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1984); Christopher Simpson, Blowback (New York: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1988); National Endowment for Democracy, Annual Report.
 Blum, Rogue State, chapters 3-10; John Stockwell, In Search of Enemies (New York: W.W. Norton, 1978), especially pp. 43, 63-64, 272; Stockwell, Praetorian Guard; Jonathan Kwitny, The Crimes of Patriots (New York: W. W. Norton, 1987); Clarridge, A Spy for all Seasons; H. Rositzke, The CIA’s Secret Operations (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1977); S. Gervasi and S. Wong, “The Reagan Doctrine and the Destabilization of Southern Africa” (Unpublished paper from McGehee’s CIABASE, April 1990); B. Freemantle, CIA (New York: Stein and Day, 1983), p. 68.
 Blum, Rogue State, chapter 17; Gervasi and Wong, Reagan Doctrine, pp. 56-57; W. Minter, Apartheid’s Contras: An Inquiry into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique (London, ZED Books, 1994).
 Stockwell, In Search of Enemies, pp. 10, 105, 137, 169, 172, 236-37; Blum, Rogue State, chapter 17; Sean Kelly, America’s Tyrant: The CIA and Mobutu of Zaire (Washington DC: American University Press, 1993); D. Gibbs, The Political Economy of Third World Intervention: Mines, Money and U.S. Policy in the Congo Crisis (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1991); R. L. Borosage, J. Marks, The CIA File (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1976); Gervasi and Wong, Reagan Doctrine; Prados, Presidents Secret Wars; Kwitny, Endless Enemies; Blum, Killing Hope.
 It is this success that terrifies imperial nations, not their failures. The fear is that such successes will expose that imperial nations are not full democracies, that they do not provide their citizens full rights, and that they are not the most efficient economies.
 Blum, Rogue State, chapters 3-10; Stephen Endicott and Edward Hagerman, The United States and Biological Warfare: Secrets from the Early Cold War and Korea (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1998); Minnick, Spies and Provocateurs, especially p. 262; R. Ridenour, Back Fire: The CIA’s Biggest Burn (Havana, Cuba: Jose Marti Publishing House, 1991), especially pp. 73, 77-78, 145-49; Prados, Presidents Secret Wars, 1996 ed., pp. 333, 337, 349; Prados, Keepers of the Keys, especially pp. 142-44, 203-317; J.T. Richelson, The U.S. Intelligence Community (Cambridge, MA: Ballinger Publishing Company, 1985), especially p. 231; P.V. Parakal, Secret Wars of the CIA (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1984); R. S. Cline, Secrets, Spies, and Scholars (Washington, DC: Acropolis Books, 1976), especially p. 195; Garwood, Under Cover, especially p. 92; P. Wyden, Bay of Pigs, the Untold Story (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1979); D. Martin, Wilderness of Mirrors (New York: Harper & Row, 1980), especially pp. 151-53; Ranelagh, Agency, especially pp. 356-60; G. Treverton, Covert Action, The Limits of Intervention in the Postwar World (New York, NY: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1987); D. Corn, Blond Ghost: Ted Shackley and the CIA’s Crusades (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994); L.F. Prouty, The Secret Team (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1973); Borosage and Marks, CIA File; Hersh, Old Boys; Thomas, Very Best Men; Jeffreys-Jones, R., The CIA & American Democracy (New Haven: Yale University Press), 1989; B. Watson, S. Watson, and G. Hopple, United States Intelligence: An Encyclopedia (New York: Garland Publishing, 1990); Covert Action Information Bulletin; Counterspy.
 Castro, Capitalism in Crisis, p. 138; Nadia Marsh, M.D., “U.S. Med Students Arrive in Cuba,” The Workers’ World, April 19, 2001.
 Edmond Taylor, The Fall of the Dynasties: The Collapse of the Old Order, 1905-1922 (New York: Dorset Press, 1989), chapters 17-19.
 Bennet, Party of Fear, pp. 191-98, 205-206.
 How close the world came to breaking free from monopolists time after time is hidden history. Besides the imminent loss of control within the imperial centers addressed here, all across South America, Asia, and Africa throughout the Cold War (50 years) maintaining control of the impoverished world was nip and tuck. When the Soviet Union collapsed it was assumed the battle was won. But Latin America is suddenly closer to breaking free than ever (keywords: Cuba, Venezuela, Brazil, Ecuador, China, Russia), Asia and Russia have the technology to establish totally new trade patterns, and such an alliance would quickly bring in Africa.
 Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), pp. 237-241; see also F. L. Carsten, Britain and the Weimar Republic (New York: Schocken Books, 1984), chapter 8; Carsten, Rise of Fascism.
 Taylor, Fall of the Dynasties, p. 366.
 Carsten, Rise of Fascism, pp.150-55.
 The wrongly titled Spanish Civil War is a textbook study of how the battle cry of communism has been used to motivate populations to support the overthrow of some of the world’s most democratic elections. The competing parties in Spain’s election “consisted of two Republican parties with 126 representatives in the Cortez, ninety-nine socialists, thirty-five Catalan Separatists, and just seventeen Communists” (George Seldes, “The Roman Church and Franco,” The Human Quest, March-April, 1994, pp. 16-18). George Seldes, Even the Gods can’t Change History (Secaucus, N.J: Lyle Stuart, Inc., 1976), part II, chapter 3). Likewise, due to the CIA’s Mighty Wurlitzer propaganda tagging them as communist, Americans were unaware that the Communist Party was one of the smallest of 14 political parties in the 1984 Nicaraguan election that legitimized the Sandinista government.
 Carsten, Weimar Republic, especially chapter 8; also Michael N. Dobbowski and Isodor Wallimann, Radical Perspectives on the Rise of Fascism in Germany (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1989), especially pp. 194-209.
 J. Noakes and G. Pridham, eds., Nazism 1919-1945, vol. 2 (New York: Schocken Books, 1988), p. 626.
 Pool and Pool, Who Financed Hitler? pp. 7-8, 19-21.
 Burman, Inquisition; Henry Charles Lea, The Inquisition of the Middle Ages (New York: Citadel Press, 1954), a condensation of his 1887 three-volume monumental work, A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages.
More pages in the “America Gains Economic Freedom” section
- Accumulation of Capital through Creation of Scarcity
- The Periphery of Empire is a Huge Plantation Providing Food and Resources to the Imperial Center
- Historical Struggle for Dominance in World Trade
- World Wars Decides Who Controls World Trade
- The World Breaking Free Frightened the Security Councils of Every Western Nation
- America Became a Full Fledged Empire
- America Protecting the Imperial Centers, Check A Globe
- Protection for the Imperial Centers, Free Trade for the Periphery of Empire
- The Unwitting Hand Their Wealth to the Cunning
- Orchestration of Death Squads and the Writing of History
- Who are the Powerful? Who are the Violent and Powerful Who Ordered and Oversaw These Atrocities?
- The Developing World Attaining Full and Equal Rights