Destabilizing Knowledgeable Internal Political Groups and the Kennedy Assassination
Just as imperial powers did not dare let any nation develop their own social philosophies and become a beacon for other oppressed nations, they did not dare let the voices of the oppressed within the imperial centers, nor the voices of those on the periphery aware of suppressions, be heard.
Preventing awakened political voices from reaching others with their message required destabilizing internal political groups in all allied countries.
In the United States, this was the purpose first of the House Un-American Activities Committee and McCarthyism and then of the FBI’s Operation COINTELPRO, a replay of the post-WW I shattering of the forming solid labor front: the destruction of the Wobblies [International Workers of the World (IWW).
CHAOS, Cable Splicer, and Garden Plot were illegal American internal destabilizations by the CIA and military intelligence services; America has 16 or them, carried out in cooperation with the FBI. These synchronized efforts of political police became urgent when over 500 periodicals critical of the Vietnam War, with a peak circulation of seven million, sprang up.
Through agent provocateurs, counterfeited letters, planted narcotics, false arrests, poison-pen letters, malicious articles planted in the press, blacklisting from jobs, harassment, electronic surveillance, burglary, mail tampering, and other internal strategies of terrorist tension, hundreds of budding political groupings were destabilized.
In March 1998, the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and Young Socialist Alliance (YSA) won a 15 year legal battle against the FBI for decades of spying, harassment, and disruptions as just described.
During that trial, these two groups, out of hundreds spied upon and-or destabilized, proved the FBI had conducted 20,000 days of wiretaps and 12,000 days of listening “bugs” between 1943 and 1963, as well as 208 burglaries of offices and homes of their members and had photographed or stolen 9,864 private documents.
These are only two groups out of hundreds that were compromised and only events proven. The 2002 Patriot Act legalizes all this and more.
The American government was ordered to pay Fred Hampton’s family $3 million when it was proven in court that his December 4, 1969 death in Chicago was a political assassination of the above-described black-ops.
After 27 years in a California prison, Geronimo Pratt was ordered released and he collected $4.5 million when, though other excuses were used by the courts, he proved his arraignment and conviction for murder was a conspiracy between the FBI and the Los Angeles District Attorney’s Office.
The FBI had him under surveillance, knew he was 400 miles away at the time of the murder, and the prosecutor knew his witnesses were government informers with no credibility.
Proving these conspiracies required some of the longest court cases in American history. As few such targeted people had either resources or determined people behind them, many more innocent people had their lives destroyed by what can only properly be called America’s political police.
Totally innocent political prisoners have died in U.S. prisons and others are still there.
If the largest and most politically motivated of these hundreds of groups had been allowed to form and grow, some of their leaders would eventually have been elected to local, state, and national governments. From that position, they would have had platforms to speak to the masses.
Social philosophies not in their best interest, as had been accepted in the past when there were no other choices, are much harder to impose upon a population under conditions of true freedom.
The independent views on national and international events being carried by the media when addressed by those new leaders—as opposed to the desired view of managers of state as they suppressed both internal dissent and the world’s break for freedom—was the real threat.
For exercising their democratic rights, these innocent people were systematically monitored, systematically destabilized, some were sent to prison, and their voices were never heard except by a few on the margins.
Silencing those who stood up on the periphery of empire was a much harder job than silencing dissenting voices within the imperial center but, at least until the ongoing populist revolution on the periphery, this too was, to a large extent, accomplished.
No profound thoughts which ran counter to the mainstream were permitted on either side of the opposing Cold War blocs, rhetoric about a free, open, and unbiased educational system in the “democratic” West notwithstanding.
Classics of alternative thought were taught in the universities, but they were taught negatively and the massive propaganda of the CIA’s Mighty Wurlitzer, the weeding out of professors with independent thought through loyalty oaths and the threat of—or actual—job loss, and the pressure of propagandized peers assured these philosophies would only be taught as being dictatorial, violent, and-or impractical.
The violence of the Cold War was to suppress the implementation of any competing philosophies so no such example could gain the allegiance of intellectuals, opinion makers, and voters.
Because the masses now have voting rights their perception of the world had to be controlled. These gross fabrications of perception management wrapping society within a Cold War belief system are now not only a major part of Western literature and history; they are Western literature and history.
After the Cold War was won, some major universities restored the good name of those who were forced out of academia and had their careers destroyed. This proved the innocence of these accused and shattered people was well understood all along by the information gatekeepers.
Understanding the suppressions and oppressions of the Cold War is essential to understanding the primary thesis of Parts I and II: inequalities in world trade impoverish naturally wealthy regions, and imperial-center social philosophies are imposed to protect the system of laying claim to weak nations’ wealth.
History repeats itself because wealth and power are based on inequalities of both external and internal trade, the rules of which have been fine-tuned for centuries into current unequal property rights law.
For the powerful to permit the establishment of equality in trades would be to allow the loss of their massive accumulations of unearned wealth and power.
Thus, the suppressions and oppressions of the Cold War were not aberrations. Whenever the threat to wealth and power is high, such violence against idealistic people and societies gaining their freedom is the norm.
With all political, economic, financial, and military options blocked, the defeated, dependent, and impoverished world had, until now, no options outside of what the imperial centers had to offer.
All plans of the developing world fail, the specific purpose of the covert actions of the Cold War, realization takes hold that the only opportunities are those offered by the powerful, the imposed, re-imposed, social philosophy takes hold, and the old order is restored.
This is an exact description of the Cold War and the re-imposition of Adam Smith free trade philosophies and neoliberal economics upon the world that we will be addressing in depth.
We have heard we have freedom, rights, and a free press all our lives. To accept that America had, and has, a perception management system far more extensive than most empires in history is difficult.
We are going on the assumption this is changing. We are addressing this past history only so the reader will understand how the world came to believe what was little more than a fictitious world.
After reading this book we suggest reading Mark Lane’s Plausible Denial: Was the CIA Involved in the Assassination of JFK; L. Fletcher Prouty’s JFK: The CIA, Vietnam and the Plot to Kill Kennedy; and Philip Willan’s Puppet Masters:
The Political Use of Terrorism in Italy. In Prouty’s authoritative books, he was one of three authors who wrote the how-to books on U.S. covert actions, one will learn how staged violence, a strategy of tension, is used worldwide to control the beliefs of voters so as to control elections both on the periphery of empire and within the imperial centers.
When a strategy of tension fails and a power structure is faced with loss of power, actual violence is used, including assassinations of leaders of nations, covert destabilizations, and wars.
Public knowledge of each violent event is controlled through carefully crafted press releases before, during, and following those implementations of policies of state.
This is done so effectively that the FBI knew the identities of President Kennedy’s assassins within two weeks though they did not dare move on this information because the plotters reached high into government circles and the entire government would come crashing down
Members of the House Select Committee on Assassinations sat on this same information in 1978 when they learned those same names from the same sources.
And America’s vaunted institutions, the Justice Department, the media, the universities, and its political leaders, all failed to inform the public even when everything the FBI and the House Select Committee knew was proven in a court of law when one of the assassins sued the Spotlight for publishing his name as one of those professional killers.
The assassins were named in the courtroom of Judge James W. Kehoe, verdict February 5, 1985, United States District Court, Miami, Florida, case number 80-1121-civ-JWK, E Howard Hunt, of Watergate fame, plaintiff, versus Liberty Lobby, defendant.
It was actually CIA agent E Howard Hunt’s lawyers who irretrievably damaged their own client by asking specifically who these assassins were and what the witness knew of their activities and whereabouts as they organized and carried out the assassination.
Claudia Furiati came up with the same names as the assassins when she was allowed access to Cuban intelligence files to write her book, ZR Rifle: the Plot to Kill Kennedy and Castro.
Part of the CIA’s plans to overthrow the Cuban government included control of information reaching the people while the overthrow unfolded. All was in place for history to be written that this externally coached and financed invasion was an internal Cuban revolution.
When the Cuban overthrow collapsed at the Bay of Pigs and President Kennedy refused to rescue that covert operation with American air power, the Cubans of Miami and their CIA handlers were furious.
To them President Kennedy was a traitor to what they viewed was a fight for the survival of the world as they knew it. Being hardened to orchestrating death squad activity worldwide these angry agents, under orders from higher up, assassinated President Kennedy just as they had orchestrated the assassination of thousands of others worldwide so the imperial nations would not lose control of the periphery of empire.
The same perception management machinery that was in place to control the world’s belief of how the planned overthrow of the Cuban government was an internal event was now turned to controlling the world’s belief in who assassinated President Kennedy.
When the above trial concluded, the jury foreman, Leslie Armstrong, “simply, eloquently, and painstakingly” explained to waiting print, radio, and television reporters that “the evidence was clear … the CIA had killed President Kennedy, Hunt had been a part of it, and the evidence, so painstakingly presented, should now be examined by the relevant institutions of the United States Government so that those responsible for the assassination might be brought to justice.”
Lane points out that a Miami television station that evening reported only that Hunt had lost a libel case and had ignored her eloquent description of the historic importance of this case.
The Jury foreman challenged that station on their reporting. It was then accurately reported by that one station but was ignored by all other media, local and national.
In contrast, Hunt’s winning of the first trial where none of this explosive testimony was given and which was of no historic importance was widely reported.
In William F. Pepper’s An Act of State: The Execution of Martin Luther King we learn, in a suit brought by the King family against one of the assassins and others unnamed, it had been proven in Judge Swearingen’s courtroom in Memphis, Tennessee, between November 15, 1999 and March 2000, that Martin Luther King had been assassinated by elements of the Memphis police and the Tennessee State Police with the operation overseen by Army Intelligence, one of America’s 16 intelligence services.
King’s murder was part of the well-known Operation COINTELPRO addressed above which was established specifically to destabilize rising political groups. We encourage the reader to read the story of the 70-plus witnesses bringing this political assassination to light.
After Mark Lane’s exposure of the CIA being behind the shooting of President Kennedy, I dismissed the other cited theorists. I should not have.
The dynamite testimony of President Johnson’s mistress, to avoid the taint of conspiracy theorists, never used in court, makes it clear most were on the right trail tracing the many threads of power directly involved in that assassination.
Some of those same respected powerbrokers were behind both assassinations. Those movers and shakers were meeting to plan King’s demise less then a month after President Kennedy was shot.
The media was just as silent on this exposure of the violent elimination of African-American leaders as they were about the assassination of John F. Kennedy.
The assassinations of up-and-coming leaders in periphery countries by death squads is standard practice. We now know that, when the threat is high, this is also practiced within the imperial centers.
Units within the intelligence communities are specially trained for these jobs and the relevant government structures stand ready to cover it up.
Plausible denial, the title of Lane’s book but better explained in Pepper’s, is the name of the game and the media, local and regional police, and the judicial system are, as you and I would be, too cowed to expose what they know.
Bobby Kennedy was loved by Americans as much as his brother. If he was elected president and he had just won the California primary the eve he was assassinated. He would have had the will, the knowledge, and the power to expose the true assassins of his brother. That could not be permitted.
Why didn’t America learn of who assassinated their president and why? Obviously if anyone in the media or academia were ever a threat to exposing the power structure they would immediately face the full force of the system and be ostracized to the margins of society or, as we see by the Kennedy and King assassinations, worse.
By studying the above books and this book, one will begin to understand how belief systems are imposed upon an acclaimed “free press” and academia who then, largely unwittingly, impose it upon a population whose government, educational institutions, and press claim to be honest recorders of history.
It is hard to believe that a free media does not inform the public. But that they do not is reality. In The Best Democracy that Money can Buy, there are several editions and other titles, Greg Palast provides many examples with solid evidence of massive corruption that would have ended the careers of powerful politicians and even brought down governments if exposed but were glossed over and ignored.
Through his efforts these stories get on British television but do not get on America’s. Any American who wants to stay fully informed must turn to alternative news and the Internet.
The covert destabilizations, internally and around the world, required Perception Management (Propaganda) Encasing America and the world within a Belief System justifying such violence which is our next story.
Those crucial 170 words describing an honest, efficient, capitalist economy. Does anyone have the ear of President Barack Obama’s Economic Recovery Team?
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 Ibid; MacKenzie, Secrets, pp. 2, 4-6, 27, 29-41; Michael Parenti, History as Mystery (San Francisco: City Lights Books, 2000), pp. 178, 183-89; Holly Sklar, Washington’s War on Nicaragua (Boston: South End Press, 1988), p. 359; Rositzke, CIA’s Secret Operations, pp. 218-20; Powers, Man Who Kept the Secrets, pp. 246-70, 364.
 Angus MacKenzie and David Weir, Secrets: The CIA’s War at Home (University of California Press, 1997); M. Wesley Swearingen, FBI Secrets: An Agent’s Exposé (Boston: South End Press, 1995); Ward Churchhill, Cointelpro Papers: Documents from the FBI’s Secret Wars Against Domestic Dissent (South End Press, 1990); Margaret Jayko, FBI on Trial: The Victory in the Socialist Workers Party Suit against Government Spying (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1989); Nelson Blackstock, Cointelpro: The FBI’s Secret War on Political Freedom (New York: Anchor Foundation, 1988); Margaret Jayko, FBI on Trial: The Victory of the Socialist Workers Party Suit Against Government Spying (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1989): Nelson Blackstock, Cointelpro: The FBI’s Secret War on Political Freedom (New York: Anchor Foundation, 1988); Ward Churchhill, Agents of Repression : The FBI’s Secret Wars Against the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement (Boston South End Press, 1989); Martin Luther King Jr, Philip S. Foner, editor, The Black Panthers Speak (New York: Da Capo Press, 1995); Hugh Pearson, The Shadow of the Panther: Huey Newton and the Price of Black Power in America (Readings, MA: Perseus Press, 1995); run a Google/Nexus-Lexus Internet search.
 Robert O’Harrow Jr, No Place to Hide (New York: Free Press, 2005) alerts us that “big brother” is here now. Each person name is electronically tagged. As they go about their daily business they leave electronic trails as to where they have been and what they have done. Every swipe of a debit or credit card is recorded. Written records are scanned into databases. Medical, legal, insurance activity, etc, is typed into major databases. Information corporations or governments can type names into a powerful computer and instantly see everything recorded that every person in America and a few hundred million outside America’s borders has done and is doing.
 Blum, Rogue State, pp. 258-59. The full story of Post World War II suppression of dissent in America has not been written yet: Stephen M. Kohn, American Political Prisoners: Prosecution under the Espionage and Sedition Acts (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 1994), covers that history before and after WW I.
 Again, Part III and the Conclusion of this book, Economic Democracy: A Grand Strategy, will demonstrate that monopoly capitalism was designed as a system of theft, both in internal and external trade, and most classics were simply justifications for those unequal and unjust policies as opposed to true works of philosophy for an efficient and productive economy.
 Even though in charge of governments or departments of governments, these are just mortal men. A generation earlier, during the Great Depression, not even President Franklin D Roosevelt dared do anything when General Smedley Butler exposed that an organization composed of some of the wealthiest people in the United States had approached him to lead an overthrow of the American government and set up a fascist one as was being done all over Europe at the time. There were a lot more skeletons in the U.S. government’s closet than President Kennedy’s assassination. If that assassination had been truly investigated, many powerful people would have been destroyed. As those powerful people knew where the closet skeletons of any who dared attack them were, it is unlikely these people would go down without taking their attackers with them, and America’s fascist covert violence all over the world and control of the media worldwide would have come to the surface. Both the CIA and the FBI knew about each others’ illegal activities addressed above. Not only was there an unwritten agreement that neither would expose the other, each must cooperate to suppress any evidence of the other’s illegal activities. That suppression of evidence and placing blame elsewhere was the order of the day for all—the FBI, the CIA, the Warren Commission, the House Select Committee on Assassinations, and the entire U.S. government. Against such a phalanx of power, the media dutifully fell in line. Though the American people had accepted without question many false realities imposed upon them, the majority believed the assassination was a conspiracy. But the propaganda apparatus had accomplished its purpose. Through the mechanisms of collective denial, citizens looked everywhere for those conspirators except where they were, right in the top leadership of the American government, the U.S. military, and the CIA.
 Lane, Plausible Denial, pp. 239-323, especially 320-22.
 William F. Pepper, An Act of State: The Execution of Martin Luther King (New York: Verso, 2003), pp. 11, 15, 65, 76, 107.
 Ibid, p. 127.
 Run a Google/Nexus-Lexus Internet search.
 For clear illumination as to who killed President Kennedy, first read the solidly authoritative Mark Lane, Plausible Denial: Was the CIA Involved in the Assassination of JFK? (New York: Thunder Mouth Press, 1991); William F. Pepper, An Act of State: The Execution of Martin Luther King (New York: Verso, 2003), p. 127 and Claudia Furiati, ZR Rifle: The Plot to Kill Kennedy and Castro (Melbourne: Ocean Press, 1994). For further information read Mathew Smith, Say Goodbye to America: The Sensational and untold Story of the Assassination of John F. Kennedy (London: Mainstream Publishing, 2001); L. Fletcher Prouty, JFK: The CIA, Vietnam, And the Plot to Kill Kennedy (New York: Carol Publishing, 1992); For a view of how the CIA used terrorism and assassinations all over the world, including Europe, to protect the old imperial centers of capital, read Philip Willan’s Puppet Masters: The Political Use of Terrorism in Italy. After reading those four books, one can spot the solid evidence in the following books: Jim Garrison, On the Trail of the Assassins (New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1988); Walt Brown, Treachery in Dallas (New York: Carroll & Graf, 1995); Harrison Edward Livingston, Killing the Truth: Deceit and Deception in the JFK Case (New York: Carroll & Graf, 1993); Jim Marrs, Crossfire: The Plot that Killed Kennedy (New York: Carroll & Graf, 1989); Anthony Summers, Conspiracy (New York: Paragon House, 1989). Those books and a documentary—”The Men Who Killed Kennedy,” made in Britain for release on the twenty-fifth anniversary of Kennedy’s assassination (but self-censored by the American media) was not shown in the U.S. until 11 years later—leave little doubt it was a political assassination (New Video Group, 250 Park Ave. S., NY, NY 10010, 212-532-3392, catalog number AAE-21201 through 21206, or A&E Home Video, Box Hv1, 233 E. 45th St, NY, NY 10017). See also Oliver Stone’s outstanding move JFK, Prouty is the man X in that movie which would have been better yet, actually complete and unchallengeable, with the information of Mark Lane and Claudia Furiati. For Bobby Kennedy’s assassination read James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, The Assassinations: Probe Magazine on JFK, MLK, RFK, and Malcolm X (Los Angeles: Feral House, 2003), run a Google search.
More pages in the “Fabricating Incidents to Start Wars” section
- Creating Enemies for the Masses Locks Society within a Belief System
- They Who Write History Control History and thus Control the World
- NSC-68, the Master Plan for the Cold War
- The Korean War was a Strategy of Tension Justifying the Cold War Slaughter of Millions
- Destabilizing Knowledgeable Internal Political Groups and the Kennedy Assassination
- Perception Management (Propaganda) Encasing Society within a Belief System
- Corporate Funded Think Tanks Building upon the Beliefs Created by the CIA