Chapter 4. Secondary Monopolies Disappear Under Henry George’s Property Rights Law
This is a chapter from the book, Money; A Mirror Image Of The Economy. Visit that link for more information about the book.
The American insurance system, legal system, health care system, welfare system, taxi medallions, etc., are exclusive marketing rights, monopolies, which built up ad hoc due to lack of those services as a social right or a human right. Prisons, law enforcement, and other protective industries are not monopolies per se but they grew to the huge proportion of the economy that they are due to the inequalities and lack of rights in the monopolized sectors of the economy.
All social structures—governments, banking systems, retirement funds, other insurances, a legal system, universal health care, etc—are social technologies discovered over the centuries and put in place. Being quite natural and humankind being a part of nature, those are social technologies overseeing “rights.” This is instinctively understood. The threat of ballot box revolutions due to periodic economic collapses led to Social Security, unemployment insurance, and, in many countries, universal health care becoming a human right.
That these rights were given only during economic crises, and are typically partially withdrawn during good times, proves the power structure is, for the purpose of increasing and protecting their wealth and power, continually denying full and equal rights to the citizenry. Even the novice can’t help noticing it would be much easier to fund those economic changes during prosperous times than during an economic crisis yet those reforms are only put in place during periodic crisis periods and are partially withdrawn in good times.
In the early to middle stages of the designing of democratic societies as Western society slowly evolved from Feudalism, the wealthy were so few and those producing their daily subsistence needs within their family unit, primarily from the land, were so many that not even the most alert could conceive of rights for all to retirement income or for health insurance, home insurance, unemployment insurance, support for the incidentally or accidentally impoverished, etc. They were all social technologies of the future.
As Western industrialized society slowly formed, ad hoc, labor intensive, capital intensive, monopolized, expensive social structures arose to fill the needs of the citizenry as they were slowly brought into the flow of money within a capitalist system. The powerful, within the flow of money were, at every point, protecting and expanding their excessive rights. This is the process addressed two paragraphs above which prevented expansion of rights during good times.a
Do not confuse expansion of rights with increase in income. That increase in wealth within powerful nations is primarily appropriations of wealth of both weak nations1 and the politically weak within imperial nations.
Before universal education and modern technology, those without power who obtained their subsistence from the land were not given full rights in step with potential gains in social structures or the actual gains of technology. Even though we all have more rights now, Western property rights law installed across much of the world is still the process which produces a wealthy few and impoverished many today.
Historically, the masses within a subsistence economy could have been quickly brought within a money economy. A a wealthy society with full and equal rights for all could have been established if a banking, land, and technology commons, following the inclusive property rights laws of Henry George, had been instituted. But the powerful would quickly calculate that every gain in rights to an equal share of nature’s riches would deny them a part of their massive unearned accumulations of wealth and full and equal rights would limit each to accumulating only earned wealth.
Not only were Western property rights designed to maintain wealth and power within national economies they were designed to claim the wealth of the peripheries of empires. This alerts us to the reason for the covert destabilizations of emerging countries worldwide as they attempted to break out of the strait jacket of imposed Western property rights law so as to provide for their people. If they were permitted their freedom, others would notice their rapid rise in living standards and would quickly opt out of the monopoly system.
Excessive rights for a few and lack of rights for the many structured into property rights laws being the very heart of Western monopoly systems will stand exposed as we lay out further the simplicity of transposing monopoly rights and massive blocs of wealth owned by a few monopolists into use rights relatively equally shared and utilized by all.
Insurance: Whatever is a necessity should be a right. Security is a necessity and, in most developed nations, some form of Social Security (retirement insurance) is now a human right. As it is recognized as a human right, the powerful, though they continually try, find it difficult to reduce life-sustaining guarantees for those final years.2
But health insurance, car insurance, and home insurance are also a necessity and none of these are yet a social right in America. Not having those social rights, ad hoc insurance industries sprang up to take care of those needs. Instead of a social right to insurance, similar to Social Security, being established by society, a “market” for insurance evolved and stock markets simultaneously expanded to buy and sell the capitalized values created by those companies’ massive appropriations of wealth produced by others even as the larger share of that appropriated wealth was ground up in the marketing process.
The annual net sums of that appropriated wealth, the roughly 20% that are profits, are capitalized 10 to 30 times and that is the monetization process. As these were newly created values, the Federal Reserve created the money to buy and sell that new wealth in step with its creation through the monopolization process.
That wealth, capitalized appropriated values, came first which means that capitalization of monopoly values create money. A society with full and equal rights creates money to create wealth while current capitalist economies monopolize wealth to create money. At least 60% of America’s huge blocs of capital are just such values capitalized. That process produced the mirror image of those appropriated values, money, which made those values transportable and transferable, meaning monetized and saleable. In short, in every monopoly, a part of the values rightfully belonging securely to each and all are appropriated, capitalized, sold, and banked, thus denying a large share of the citizenry their right to their full share
Having rights or lacking rights is the crucial difference between a highly efficient sector of an economy and a highly labor-intensive, monopolized, wasteful sector, claiming wealth produced by others, capitalizing the profits, and buying and selling those appropriated values on the markets.
In banking, land (resources), and technology, we have eliminated wasteful monopolization by apportioning the rental values on wealth produced by nature and all wealth produced by labor directly to the citizenry. The monopolized sectors of the economy addressed in this chapter are unique in that the maximum efficiency is gained by totally replacing their marketing structure with a social right such as insurance or a human right such as health care.
Rights can be given any time a power structure decides. But, not understanding the enormous power of a modern economy to take care of everyone’s needs and, with heavily-funded think tanks pouring out belief systems (spin) protecting the powerful’s excess rights, rights for all are viewed, or at least it is preached, as a loss of rights for both the masses and the powerful. Thus retirement funds, accepted as a human right today, were typically given only when a market economy broke down, people were starving, a revolution was imminent, and the leaders, those who had been continually blocking such key expansions of rights, stood to lose both wealth and power. True to our thesis, with 60 years of good times, those powerful are working furiously to roll back Social Security and other rights within today’s property rights laws.3
Under the threat of a ballot box revolution, the citizenry were given Social Security insurance as a human right. Annual management costs deducted from earnings, turned out to be less than 1% of premiums collected through payroll deductions. In contrast sales, management, and profits of insurances in the market economy typically cost 50% of premiums paid. Meanwhile, insurances negotiated by unions and given as a social right to those select few, typically cost only 6% of premiums, paid by the company or, in part, by the insured to manage.
Social Security is much larger than any several insurance companies put together. Few people have ever seen their efficient regional Social Security office. Restructure health, auto, and home insurances to a social right and those insurance offices you see on almost every street, along with the office furnishings and those wastefully employed, are replaced by a regional office that, like Social Security, you will seldom see.
Your home insurance premiums would be paid when you pay your mortgage payment, just as they are now, but would cost half as much. No fault auto insurance, paid as a percent of the price of gas, would greatly lower costs even as each pay equally relative to miles driven. Universal health care, such as at least 12 states are discussing becoming law (2008), can be handled under payroll deductions at half today’s cost or it could be covered by social collection of resource rents and socially owned bank profits at even lower cost.
If one’s insurance needs fall outside those parameters, simply sign up, pay the premium, and pocket the savings. That is, if the powerful will ever permit such social rights to be allotted to the citizenry. The wasted labor and capital once operating the highly inefficient insurance sectors of the economy are now available for truly productive uses.
Law: In a society with full and equal rights, both crime and the need for legal resolutions would drop to a very small fraction of today’s epidemics of lawlessness and battles over divisions of wealth. In 2006, a radio show host in Boston, incensed at the murders each week by drug dealers, blurted out, “Give me a call. I will find you a job.” Within a week 10 of those battling for turf on the drug scene were enrolled in a cooking school. That violent life was not what they wanted; they simply did not have rights to a job.
With each having full and equal rights to their share of nature’s wealth, rights to a productive job through a radical reduction in working days, being paid equally for equally-productive work, and, considering a total restructuring of society (see Conclusion) the daily struggle for survival would be replaced by an efficient, calm, inclusive economy with each having security and a quality life.
Assuming inclusive full and equal rights were sincerely put in place, which means each having the opportunity for a respectable identity and a secure life, the 2.1 million American prisoners now increasing 47,000 per year, would shrink to infinitesimal levels. Those building and guarding prisons, the police, private guards, the personnel operating the justice system, and its brick and mortar infrastructure would shrink accordingly.
But the savings go far beyond the criminal justice system into the civil courts. We quote from Fred Rodell’s classic, Woe Unto You Lawyers:
It is the lawyers who run our civilization for us—our governments, our business, our private lives….We cannot buy a home or rent an apartment, we cannot get married or try to get divorced, we cannot die and leave our property to our children without calling on the lawyers to guide us. To guide us, incidentally, through a maze of confusing gestures and formalities that lawyers have created….The legal trade, in short, is nothing but a high-class racket.4
Rodell goes further:
The lawyers—or at least 99 44/100 per cent of them—are not even aware that they are indulging in a racket, and would be shocked at the very mention of the idea. Once bitten by the legal bug, they lose all sense of perspective about what they are doing and how they are doing it. Like the medicine men of tribal times and the priests of the Middle Ages they actually believe in their own nonsense.5
Fred Rodell knew that expensive divorces were replaceable by each party agreeing to how property is to be divided, each fill out and file a prescribed form, the judge question each party to ascertain each were fully aware, that the settlement was fair, and grant the divorce.
Some states have enacted such laws and the savings in both emotional distress and money were everything Rodell predicted. Special care is taken when children are involved but typically they too are rescued from the trauma of a messy, expensive, divorce. Most the trauma and expense before those legal changes were because citizens were denied a right, in this case the right to a simple, agreed-upon divorce.
Probating wills were, and many still are, subject to lawyers milking estates of the deceased. In contrast, living trusts take effect with almost no cost upon his or her death when changes are no longer possible. As soon as papers of the trustee’s death are filed, the heirs have full control of his or her share of the estate.
Legal forms are really a checklist of items that have to be addressed by all who wish to enter into a contract with each other or themselves. Most legal transactions are procedures requiring only the filling out of these ready-made forms. How else could it be? If most dealings between people were not based on custom, there would be chaos. This simplicity is blocked by the present legal system, which makes simple transactions complicated and tedious, thus expanding labor and time to justify large compensations.
Rosemary Furman, legal secretary and court reporter, estimated that, if the public were given access to standardized forms, about 70% of the legal work could be eliminated. With this access, and guidance from the clerks of court, literate adults could easily handle uncontested divorces, name changes, debt collections, tax matters, bankruptcies, real estate transactions, adoptions, patents, wills, trusts, and many other legal matters. Furman charged twenty-five to fifty dollars for these services while lawyers received three hundred to five hundred dollars. But whenever citizens use a prepared form and handle their own transactions there are no costs beyond filing fees. “Everything I do,” said Furman, “is the responsibility of the clerk of court.”6
Over half the compensations for accidents, product liability, and malpractice are claimed by lawyers. In New Zealand, the “Accident Compensation Corporation oversees the claims process. Injured people file claims whether their injury happened at home, at work or at play, and compensation is provided fully and fairly.”7 This process is equally applicable to product liability and malpractice suits. Divorce, accidents, and liability constitute at least 80% of all civil suits and in each it is possible to almost totally eliminate lawyers.
Early lawyers were paid by the word. This led to the current unnecessary legalese that few can understand:
It has been the custom in modern Europe to regulate, on most occasions, the payment of the attorneys and clerks of court, according to the number of pages which they had occasion to write; the court, however, requiring that each page should contain so many lines, and each line so many words. To increase their payment, the attorneys and clerks have contrived to multiply words beyond all necessity, to the corruption of law language of, I believe, every court of justice in Europe. A like temptation might perhaps occasion a like corruption in the form of law proceedings.8
Lawyers intercept their share of social production by keeping secret the simplicity of everyday common agreements. Once language is simplified and the public has access to legal forms, the practice of law via obscurantism and hocus-pocus would disappear.
And we can go on and on: Conflict Resolution Law, corporate mini-trials, etc, are all examples of how to eliminate the current unnecessary expense of the legal system. But all this has been addressed and cited in depth in The World’s Wasted Wealth 2 by this author.
Though most the wealth consumed in the legal industry is wasted labor, wasted office space, wasted protective forces, wasted courtroom space, etc, huge profits are still made and, at times those appropriated values—private prisons, law firms listed on stock markets, incorporated but unlisted law firms, etc—create high capitalized values which are bought and sold.
Health Care: April 18, 2006, the American Medical Association released their study that, by U.S. Department of Justice guidelines, health insurers were effectively monopolies. Among the 50 most developed nations, only the United States and South Africa do not have universal health care. U.S. citizens pay out of pocket 38% more than the Canadians, 39% more than the French, 42% more than the Swedish, 53% more than Germans, 62% more than Italians, 78% more than Australians, 90% more than the Japanese, 100% more than the British, and 466% more than the Cubans.9 Universal health care of each of these countries equals or, when one considers all their citizens receive medical care, exceeds that in the United States.
Markets for health care are far from efficient. The more products sold, whether needed or not or even if they may be harmful, the more profits that can be made. Such wasted labor and resources of secondary monopolies are not the result of intent. As a distribution mechanism, these unnecessary territories expand relentlessly in all the service segments of the economy. Businesses must operate at their maximum to maximize profits and people must maximize their labor time to earn a good living.
In their book, Frogs into Princes, psychiatrists Richard Bandler and John Grinder explained the process. One of their fellow psychiatrists treated patients in a state clinic and averaged six visits per client. “In his private practice he is apt to see a client twelve or fifteen times…and it never dawned on him what caused that….The more effective you are the less money you make because your clients get what they want and leave and don’t pay you anymore.”10 The health industry, and much other labor expended in the United States, mirrors this psychiatrist’s practice.
An episode of the Sally Jesse Raphael Show featured young women who, at fourteen years of age, were unjustly institutionalized.11 With remarkable insight, these young women figured out the fraud and outwitted the system. A patient advocate who was a member of the Minnesota Mental Health Association was instrumental in freeing many of these young ladies. He pointed out that when hospital occupancy declined they expanded into child care and “hospitals and psychiatrists were preying upon parents and children.” Seventy-five hundred children per year were institutionalized in that state and “typically only those who had insurance were hospitalized and the cures and discharges came miraculously when the insurance ran out.”
In this author’s The World’s Wasted Wealth many examples are given but these summaries will suffice: The Children’s Defense Fund suggests at least 40 percent of these juvenile admissions are inappropriate, while a Family Therapy Network youth expert put the figure at 75 percent.12 Few experiences could be more damaging to the self image of a youth than institutionalization during those crucial formative years. On balance, in the search for profits, the psychiatric industry can only have been doing far more harm than good.
A study by Rand Corporation found 40% of hospital admissions as inappropriate because they involved simple procedures that could have been handled just as well in a doctor’s office. Thirty percent of operations have been deemed unnecessary. Localities with fewer doctors had lower mortality rates and during hospital strikes in the United States, Canada, Great Britain, and Israel, the death rates went down. In the Israeli and New York strikes, the hospitalization rate dropped 85%. “It was as if the population was in better health when medical care was limited to emergencies.”13
Canada is listed among those countries with lowered mortality rates when doctors were on strike. Yet “Canadians get bypass surgery half as often as Americans.”14 When exposed, the installation of pacemakers under promotions reminiscent of staying in style was a disgrace.15 This author listened on the evening news to Dr. David Graham, who blew the whistle on Vioxx, pointing out that, “The patients Vioxx was killing equaled the death rate of two to four airliner crashes a week and there were five more drugs he knew that were highly suspect.” Running an Internet search for “drugs, whistleblower” or trans-fats, Denmark” will alert one the problem goes far beyond drugs. In each case addressed above, gaining markets, whether there was a real need or not, was the game. Unneeded sales through market creation are springing up all the time. Engineering a change in recommended cholesterol levels, ongoing as we speak, creates millions more patients taking prescribed statin drugs. TV ads on “restless leg syndrome,” also currently ongoing, is creating a whole new syndrome requiring treatment with high-priced and dangerous drugs.
We could go much further but that is enough. This message, emailed to me, was sincerely appreciated: “I am a doctor and everything you said is true.” David Himmelstein and Steffie Woolhandler are doctors at Harvard Medical School. In 2001, along with Dr. Ida Hellander, wrote Bleeding the Patient: The Consequences of Corporate Health Care.16 Here one will read 238 pages of unsettling facts on the American Health care system paralleling that just described.
Universal health care as a human right, paid from socially collected resource rents and socially operated banking profits, with doctors paid well yet all incentive for unnecessary treatment eliminated, would quickly drop health care costs by half even as all citizens receive quality care. A serious food and nutrition study and citizenry education not dominated by food and drug corporations would drop those costs another 50%, up to the last three years of life, while increasing life spans substantially
Welfare: In an inclusive society with full and equal rights, the only welfare necessary would be for those mentally or physically incapacitated.
By right, the first jobs for which they are qualified should go to the functionally impaired—answering services for the blind, accounting and secretarial work for those in wheelchairs, janitorial and assembly work for the learning disabled, etc. Surely there are jobs for most of these 14 million disadvantaged people, whose self-esteem would be greatly improved if only they could achieve self-sufficiency.b
The Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) makes it illegal to discriminate against the physically or mentally disadvantaged in jobs they can handle. The severely impaired should have the opportunity but, since any evaluation would be arbitrary, not the obligation to work. It is those who have been faced with dependency who can best appreciate the need for the pride, equality, independence, and self respect achievable through productive labor.
When handicaps result in a lack of productivity, employers being compensated by society as they maintain their employment, a right already in law, would eliminate the welfare bureaucracy. Those once working in the welfare industry can now move to productive jobs.
Others would have the right to a job much as they do now—through talent, education, tests, interviews, contacts, seniority, etc. The major change would be a dramatic cut in the workweek by law which would, considering a total restructuring of society (see Conclusion) open up space for realization of that human right. Who would object to a 50% reduction in employed hours with no loss of living standards?
Rights to equal pay for equally productive labor, a productive job, land, one’s share of the fruits of technology, universal health care, retirement as a human right, honest insurance, the elimination of legal hocus-pocus, a public taught responsibility for its own health, and social safety nets for disastrous events that deny a person the ability to care for their family as a social right is the foundation of a truly democratic, all-inclusive, peaceful, productive society with need for welfare only in cases of mental or physical incapacitation.
Where the foundations for primary monopolies are various forms of titles to nature’s wealth, secondary monopolies evolved filling a need citizens were entitled to, a social right, but which powerbrokers neglected, refused, to establish in law. Doing so would eliminate their market monopolies.
Waste within those monopoly structures was, as addressed above, further expanded through the sale of unnecessary services. Eliminating monopolization through legislating those necessary services into a social right typically reduces service costs by half even as citizens are better served. Unnecessary infrastructure—monopoly insurance structures, excess prisons, excess law offices, excess courtrooms, etc, all wasted labors—can now be turned to productive use.
Agriculture: On July 4, 2005, Der Speigal pointed out:
When there’s a drought in a region of Kenya, our corrupt politicians reflexively cry out for more help. This call then reaches the United Nations World Food Program — which is a massive agency of apparatchiks who are in the absurd situation of, on the one hand, being dedicated to the fight against hunger while, on the other hand, being faced with unemployment were hunger actually eliminated. It’s only natural that they willingly accept the plea for more help. And it’s not uncommon that they demand a little more money than the respective African government originally requested. They then forward that request to their headquarters, and before long, several thousands tons of corn are shipped to Africa … Corn that predominantly comes from highly-subsidized European and American farmers … and at some point, this corn ends up in the harbor of Mombassa. A portion of the corn often goes directly into the hands of unscrupulous politicians who then pass it on to their own tribe to boost their next election campaign. Another portion of the shipment ends up on the black market where the corn is dumped at extremely low prices. Local farmers may as well put down their hoes right away; no one can compete with the UN’s World Food Program. And because the farmers go under in the face of this pressure, Kenya would have no reserves to draw on if there actually were a famine next year. It’s a simple but fatal cycle.
Zambia had 40 small industries producing clothes for Zambians. A flood of used clothes from America undersold those producers, those industries closed down, the economic multiplier went into reverse, and the number of impoverished Zambians rose rapidly.
The wealthy world feasts on chicken breasts while boatloads of imported chicken wings and drumsticks, supported by the high price the wealthy will pay for chicken breasts, undersell and devastate the economies of weak nations. Not only are poor countries unable to compete against subsidized imported food and consumer products within their own countries, they are unable to export to the wealthy world due to both high supports and tariffs.
This is what happens: The wealthy world sells items for roughly half the cost of production. But the money spent producing that item circulates within the exporting economy lets say four times. This is the economic multiplier. Each million dollars worth of exports sold at half the cost of production, in this case $500,000, still generates $2 million of economic activity in the wealthy country even as the same multiplier, now in reverse, eliminates $4 million of economic activity in the importing country. The entire $1 million chicken business in the importing country disappears plus another $3 million dollars worth of business through which that money once circulated.
Let’s reverse this process: If American farmers were undersold by subsidized agricultural surpluses from another society or that imported food was given to American consumers, U.S. farmers could not sell their crops. They would go broke, the tractor and machinery companies would be bankrupt, the millions of people depending on these jobs would be without work, resources and production of remaining industries would have to be sold to other societies to pay the import bill, and America would quickly become impoverished.
In a country not yet industrialized, the natural resources must be sold to pay for subsidized food and consumer products from the industrialized world and debt traps are put in place to maintain that dependency.17 This process created the recent disaster in Mexico. As their food imports rose to 60% of their needs, wages fell drastically, industrial production shrunk, and debts increased dramatically.
Throughout these subsidiary monopolies the pattern remains: Through licenses to provide services within a monopoly structure, the citizenry are denied full and equal rights and their costs double even as services are reduced. Give citizens full and equal rights—including insurance, health care, a just legal structure, etc—as social and human rights and those monopolies disappear even as the quality of services rises rapidly. Values equal to the massive blocs of capital that once bought and sold those monopolized service industries are transposed into relatively equally-shared use values.
Again we must point out that wealth is capitalized by a multiple of the annual amount appropriated, sold, and that bloc of capital is loaned or invested. That money is continually reinvested as it is paid back. The citizenry from which that wealth was first appropriated repay, through taxes or consumer purchases, that principal plus interest over and over again in perpetuity, and that impoverishing cycle continues, interrupted only by economic collapses caused by too much capital in the hands of too few and too little buying power in the hands of the many. The elimination of those huge blocs of appropriated wealth, the resultant large increase in economic efficiency, and the elimination of poverty is the essence of Henry George’s inclusive property rights laws.c
As soon as the services of each of these secondary monopolies are declared a social right, the social structures can be put in place to care for those newly declared rights at a cost far below that of a monopolized market system even as the quality of caring for those social rights rapidly rises. We now turn to a modern information commons through which these rights can be realized.
- Expansion of excessive rights is a regular occurrence within legislatures. Economic philosophers spotted the same appropriations of wealth we are addressing in special-favor laws and termed it rent seeking. Starting out as a service, secondary monopolies expanded into rent seeking. Henry George philosophers did make the rent seeking connection to taxi medallions and possibly technology but seem not to have made the same connection to other sectors of the economy. Those who wish to dig deeper into the phenomenon of mini-monopolies as a further expansion of Henry George’s thesis on rent should do a web search for “rent seeking.” As secondary monopolies, most should be eliminated through that service becoming a right. A few, such as taxi medallions, should pay the rent value to society. Back to text
- Mary Lord, (“Away With Barriers,” U.S. News & World Report [July 20, 1992]: p. 60) says 43 million. Fourteen million is the lowest figure I have heard. This law is a good start towards the disadvantaged obtaining their full rights. Back to text
- Monopolies are structured within property rights laws. When a law entitles one person or group to an advantage over another person or group that is a monopoly. An Internet search for “rent seeking” will turn up many examples. Back to text
- J.W. Smith, Economic Democracy: A Grand Strategy for World Peace and Prosperity, 2nd edition (Fayetteville, PA,: The Institute for Economic Democracy, 2008). Back to text
- Greider, Secrets of the Temple, p. 630; Christian Miller, “Wall Street’s Fondest Dream: The Insanity of Privatizing Social Security,” Dollars and Sense, November/December 1998, pp. 30-35; Edward S. Herman, “The Assault on Social Security,” Z Magazine, November 1995, pp. 30-35; Bernstein, Merton C., Joan Brodshaug Bernstein, Social Security: The System that Works (New York: Basic Books, 1988). Back to text
- Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2007). Back to text
- Fred Rodell, Woe Unto You Lawyers (Littleton, CO: Fred B. Rothman & Co., 1987). Back to text
- Rodell, Woe Unto You Lawyers, pp. 16-17. Back to text
- Katherine J. Lee, “Justice Has Broken Down,” Americans For Legal Reform 4/2 (1985), p. 5; and other issues of ALR. Back to text
- George Milko, “It’s Hassle-Free Down Under,” Americans for Legal Reform 6/3 (1986): p. 3. Back to text
- Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations, Modern Library ed. (New York: Random House), p. 680. Back to text
- Rasell, “A Bad Bargain,” p. 6; Robert Weil, “Somalia in Perspective: When the Saints Go Marching In,” Monthly Review (Mar. 1993): p. 10. Others have somewhat different statistics: Tom Shealy, “The United States vs. the World: How We Score in Health,” Prevention (May 1986): pp. 69-71; Ernest Conine, “U.S. Should Take a Tip from Canada,” Missoulian (Apr. 2, 1990): p. A4; John K. Iglehart, “Health Policy Report: Germany’s Health Care System,” The New England Journal of Medicine (Feb. 14, 1991): pp. 503-08 and The New England Journal of Medicine (June 13, 1991): pp. 1750-56; Victor R. Fuchs, PhD., and James S. Hahn, A.B., “How Does Canada Do It?” The New England Journal of Medicine (Sept. 27, 1990): pp. 884-90. Back to text
- Richard Bandler and John Grinder, Frogs Into Princes (Moab, UT: Real People Press, 1979), p. 102. Back to text
- Sally Jesse Raphael Show (May 30, 1988). Patient advocates Bill Johnson and Tom Wilson. Back to text
- “Kids in the Cuckoo’s Nest,” Utne Reader (Mar./Apr. 1992): p. 38. Back to text
- Sale, Human Scale, pp. 267-68; André Gorz, Ecology as Politics (Boston: South End Press, 1980), p. 161. Back to text
- Hurwit, “A Canadian-Style Cure,” p. 12. Back to text
- Donald Robinson, “The Great Pacemaker Scandal,” Reader’s Digest (Oct. 1983): p. 107. Back to text
- Himmelstein, David, Steffie Woolhandler, Ida Hellander, Bleeding the Patient: The Consequences of corporate Health Care (Common Courage Press, 2001) Back to text
- See Bhagirath Lal Das, WTO: The Doha Agenda: The New Negotiations on World Trade (London: Zed Books, 2003) and his many other books. See also: Vandana Shiva’s Stolen Harvest: The Hijacking of the Global Food Supply (Cambridge: South End Press, 2000). Back to text
Chapters for “Money; A Mirror Image Of The Economy”
- Introduction to Money; A Mirror Image of the Economy
- Chapter 1. Henry George’s Property Rights law: A Modern Money Commons
- Chapter 2. Henry George’s Property Rights Law: A Modern Land Commons
- Chapter 3. Henry George’s Property Rights Law, A Modern Technology Commons
- Chapter 4. Secondary Monopolies Disappear Under Henry George’s Property Rights Law
- Chapter 5. Henry George’s Property Rights Law: A Modern Information Commons
- Chapter 6. Capitalism’s Powerful Economic Engine: Henry George’s Smaller, Mightier, Engine
- Chapter 7. Summary
- Chapter 8. Conclusion: Henry George’s Property Rights Law: Creating World Peace and Prosperity
- Appendix I: Myths in Monetary Theory
- Appendix II: A Practical Approach for Developing Poor Nations & Regions
This is a chapter from the book, Money; A Mirror Image Of The Economy. Visit that link for more information about the book.